In January 1476, at the request of the Condestable Pedro Fern谩ndez de Velasco, and the Duke of Villahermosa, Isabella I of Castile travelled from Valladolid to Burgos to oversee the triumphant recovery of the city鈥檚 castle. She encountered a devastated city. The city had been transformed into a battlefield since the rebellion of 脕lvaro de Z煤帽iga in May 1475 and the ensuing siege on the castle by troops loyal to Isabella and Ferdinand of Aragon.[1]听During her stay, as Hern谩n del Pulgar relates, Isabella dedicated herself to the reorganisation of the local political and military power structures as well as the reconstruction of the castle.[2]
Although there is no record of a visit by Isabella to the Carthusian monastery of Santa Mar铆a de Miraflores at that time, it seems that the queen somehow became aware of the dilapidated state of the unfinished funerary church of her father, King John II, following twelve years of standstill at the site (Fig. 9.1).[3]听Isabella remained in the city until 5 February, probably visiting the monastery to pay homage to her father, just as Ferdinand did when he came to Burgos in June 1475.[4]听Be as that may, two months after Isabella鈥檚 stay in Burgos, when victory at the battle of Toro had assured her the Castilian crown, all royal privileges to the Carthusian monastery were confirmed.[5]听One year later, in February 1477, a ceremony was held to lay the foundation stone of new work in the church of Miraflores.[6]
According to the author(s) of 迟丑别听Breve noticia de la fundacion de la Real Cartuja de Miraflores,听drafted under prior Manuel de Aldea (1780鈥1789), it was Isabella who ordered the resumption of construction.[7]听This claim has consistently been repeated in subsequent studies, though it is entirely unsupported by documentary evidence.[8]听It is in fact unclear whether it was Isabella or the Carthusian community that ordered the resumption of construction. Lacking a proper church, the Carthusians had been using the refectory for liturgical celebrations since 1460.[9]听If it was the queen that ordered the works, it seems that her order was not accompanied at that time by direct financial support.[10]听Although 迟丑别听Cortes听celebrated at Segovia and Madrigal in April 1476 offered Isabella a budget of 168,000,000 maravedis, the economic situation of the Castilian crown was fragile.[11]听Allocating resources was one thing, paying hard cash was quite another. The expenses of the conflict in Burgos alone were estimated to be 34,560,000 maravedis.[12]
听
An Unsuccessful Resumption of Works: Garci Fern谩ndez at Miraflores
In February 1477, when construction reportedly resumed, work was carried out under the direction of Garci Fern谩ndez de Matienzo. According to 迟丑别听Fundacion de la Cartuja de Burgos听and to 迟丑别听Cartuja de Miraflores,听drafted in the last third of the eighteen century, Garci Fern谩ndez was appointed master of works because of the death of Juan de Colonia, the renowned German architect who began construction of the monastery in the 1450s.[13]听By these accounts, Garci Fern谩ndez was thus appointed while logistical reorganisation of the project was developing. Whatever the case, Garci died on 10 February 1478,[14]听and so any attribution of works to Garci Fern谩ndez is highly questionable. The chronicles that assert this are also contradictory. According to one version, the walls of the church were completed in their entirety under Garci鈥檚 direction and he also oversaw the closing of presbytery vaults.[15]听According to a second version, only the walls were built under Garci.[16]听This second version has been widely accepted by scholars.[17]听But analysis of the construction of Miraflores casts doubt on the completion of the walls in 1477. Hereafter, I will focus on three issues.
Firstly, we must take into account that in the mid-1460s, when construction of the church stalled, the walls had been raised up to different heights. According to a description of the church, recorded in 迟丑别听Noticia vreve听and probably extracted from a report similar to the famous听Memorial del plan y obras,[18]听the north wall stood at twenty feet high and the south wall at thirty-six and a half feet.[19]听Furthermore, given the joint structure of masonry at the junctions of the buttresses and walls, we can deduce that the buttresses were built in the 1460s, before the walls.[20]听Indeed, given that funding problems caused construction of the church to stall, it is likely that the buttresses had been built to a higher level than the walls. Archaeological remains of this common constructive strategy are preserved, for instance, at Astorga Cathedral (Fig. 9.2) and at Seville Cathedral, both buildings related to the Colonia dynasty.[21]
Second, it is important to recognise that winters in Burgos are too cold to set mortar safely. Assuming that funds were ready, the workshop organised, and the supply of materials ensured, stonecutting might conceivably have started in 1476. Even if this were the case, it is unlikely that the building process was underway before the spring and summer of 1477, 鈥榪uando est tempus edificandi鈥, as the bishop of Burgos, Alonso de Santa Mar铆a (himself a great patron and connoisseur of architecture), reminds us in his will.[22]听It is also unlikely that the building process was underway in the winter of 1477/8.
Third, there is strong evidence that the walls of the church were still under construction in summer 1484. In June, the angel holding Isabella and Ferdinand鈥檚 coat of arms was installed on the west fa莽ade, as well as a crucifix on the top of the pediment (Fig. 9.3).[23]听A year later, the installation of the window tracery was still ongoing.[24]听We can thus assume that the stained glass was not commissioned until that moment, at least for the nave windows.[25]听These three pieces of evidence suggest that little was built in the church until the 1480s. More precisely, it was under Prior Juan Temi帽o (1483鈥1487) that we can trace the building process more closely and also assess Isabella鈥檚 active role in the project.
A New Building Programme under Isabella’s Patronage
After the civil war, Isabella鈥檚 personal and political dedication to endowing her father with a sumptuous burial place led her to go beyond the funerary dispositions of John II.[26]听Under Isabella, the church at Miraflores was conceived as the pantheon for a new constellation of royal bodies, namely the first-degree members of Isabella鈥檚 family. Besides John II, it was to house the tombs of Isabella鈥檚 mother and brother: Queen Isabella of Portugal (John鈥檚 second wife) and the infante Alfonso. Petrified in alabaster, the tombs would have made tangible鈥攊n space and until the end of time鈥攖he restored prestige of the Castilian royal family (Fig. 9.4).[27]听The tombs also implied that Isabella belonged to an unbroken line of Castilian monarchs.
Architecture was implicated in this new scheme, and Sim贸n de Colonia was the architect responsible for it.[28]听Indeed, despite the claims of the Carthusian authors of the Miraflores chronicles (or the scholars who have paraphrased them), Juan de Colonia鈥檚 original architectural drawings for Miraflores were revised and it was decided to redesign the project as well as expand it.[29]听This is clear not only from the plans for a narthex and new main portal, originally installed on the north side of the narthex (Figs. 9.5 and 9.10),[30]听but also from the fragment of a parchment drawing with six different designs or proposals for the resolution of the clearstory and the vaults of the church (Fig. 9.6).[31]听In fact, everything suggests that the ascetic character of the church designed by Juan de Colonia did not fulfil the queen鈥檚 expectations of the architectonical decorum and magnificence appropriate for a royal foundation. In order to understand this issue, we must go back to the 1450s, when the building of the charterhouse of Miraflores was first conceived.[32]
As originally planned, John II wanted to convert the palace of Miraflores into a Carthusian monastery by reforming the existing building and expanding it with the construction of his burial church. Because this plan was rejected by the Carthusian Order, the king promised to build a new monastery outside the palace鈥檚 walls.[33]听Nevertheless, John II鈥檚 original plan was not abandoned until October 1452, when the palace was destroyed by fire. It was then that the Carthusian community, which had gained major decision-making capacity, developed a building programme 鈥榓l modo de la dicha horden鈥, devised by Juan de Colonia. The institutional and personal relations between Miraflores and the Sevillan charterhouse of Santa Mar铆a de las Cuevas played a key role in this, as witnessed by the selection of architectural models derived from the Sevillan charterhouse for the construction of the new foundation.[34]听These included the church (Fig. 9.7). As recorded in 迟丑别听Memorial del plan y obras, the church was to be built in 鈥榣a forma de la yglesia que fiso el adelantado pedro af谩n de Ribera en las cuevas de sevilla鈥.[35]听Given that John II never visited Seville,[36]听the king could only have known about Santa Mar铆a de las Cuevas from architectural drawings.[37]听That is to say that he could have only seen the archetype鈥攁s suggested in 迟丑别听Memorial鈥攅lected and proposed by the Carthusians.
As the church at Miraflores shows, Juan de Colonia closely imitated the design of Santa Mar铆a de las Cuevas, adopting not only its plan but also its architectural language (see Figs. 9.1 and 9.7). This can be seen, for example, in the design for the original main portal of Miraflores (Fig. 9.8), effectively an architectural paraphrase of that at Las Cuevas (Fig. 9.9). According to the ascetic aesthetics of the Carthusian order, neither heraldic emblems nor sculpture decorate Miraflores鈥檚 portal. Its design is reduced to architectural forms. Sim贸n de Colonia鈥檚 portal suggests, however, that Isabella and her deputies considered the aniconism and lack of heraldry in Juan鈥檚 portal to be inappropriate for a royal foundation.
Comparing the original main portal with the new one (Figs. 9.8 and 9.10), it is easy to identify the paradigm shift between Juan de Colonia鈥檚 models and stylistic parameters adopted by his son three decades later. Rejecting his father鈥檚 ascetic abstraction, Sim贸n employed the same formal repertoire that he used in contemporary buildings in Burgos Cathedral, such as the chapel of La Concepci贸n or the chapel of the Constable, and later in parish churches such as San Nicol谩s in Burgos, where the main portal follows that at Miraflores.
The clearstory and vault plan of Miraflores clearly show this new architectural orientation. The three-light windows of Miraflores and the Constable鈥檚 Chapel display the same basic design, as well as similar tracery designs, mouldings, capitals and bases (Figs. 9.11 and 9.12).[38]听By contrast, the capitals on the formerets seem to go back to the elevation devised by Juan de Colonia. The same configuration appears earlier in the choir of San Pedro de Carde帽a.[39]听In the same way, Sim贸n de Colonia retained his father鈥檚 design for the vault of 迟丑别听capilla mayor, which follows that at Santa Mar铆a de las Cuevas.[40]听The young architect nonetheless introduced new designs in the nave vault that are much more elaborate than those in the nave of Las Cuevas (see Figs 9.5 and 9.7).[41]听They share only one feature: the ridge-rib.
Monumental Scenography: Architecture in Space
Unlike the project of the 1450s, the creation of an impressive external view for the church played a pivotal role in the new building programme. As discussed Miraflores became a monument to the Castilian monarchy under Isabella鈥檚 patronage, placing the queen in an unbroken dynastic line even if this status could not easily be proclaimed, given the church鈥檚 location in a Carthusian monastery three kilometres from Burgos, visited by few and partly veiled from sight.
Sim贸n鈥檚 design did not start听ex nihilo. As noted above, the church鈥檚 walls rose several metres above ground and the main portal was already installed on the west fa莽ade (see Figs. 9.1 and 9.8). Not only was the portal considered inappropriate, but so too was Juan de Colonia鈥檚 fa莽ade, which also imitated Las Cuevas. Construction of a new narthex solved these problems (see Fig. 9.5), making it possible to carve a new portal to be placed to the north side of the narthex. The monumentality of the church鈥檚 north fa莽ade was thereby enhanced, effectively becoming the church鈥檚 main fa莽ade.
In order to understand Sim贸n de Colonia鈥檚 design, we have to take into account the position of the church within the monastery, as well as the topography of the leafy parkland around Miraflores. Sim贸n had known the monastery and its surroundings since childhood, so was fully aware that those coming to Miraflores would travel along the so-called听camino de Burgos. Likewise, the young architect knew that the first visual contact with the church would be from the northwest.
Although there is no documentary evidence about this precise stretch of the camino de Burgos at the end of the fifteenth century, it cannot have been very different from what is now known as the Camino de la Paz (Fig. 9.13). This provided the main access to the monastery until the construction of a paved road and seems to correspond to the route of 迟丑别听camino de Burgos听represented in several maps and descriptions of the Miraflores parkland from the eighteenth century (Fig. 9.14).[42]听At that time, points of entry were opened in what remained of the boundary. Built in the time of Enrique III, the founder of the old palace of Miraflores, the Puerta Real鈥攍ater known as La Vieja鈥攑rovided the main entrance to the Miraflores estate from 迟丑别听camino de Burgos.[43]听Two other entries were provided for the roads from Carde帽a and Carde帽adillo.
Shaping Architectural Spaces
Sim贸n de Colonia鈥檚 project embraced not just an update of Juan de Colonia鈥檚 architectural vocabulary, but also spatial redefinition. In addition to the relocation of the main portal on the church鈥檚 north side, the construction of the narthex itself implied the creation of an antechamber that was open to the faithful. Unlike the direct access devised by Juan de Colonia, the narthex displays a transitional architectural space that connects the exterior and the interior of the church. Whether intentionally or not, the narthex influenced and still influences the visitor鈥檚 perception of the church鈥檚 architectural space. Crossing the main portal, the faithful entered, as now, a space covered by a tierceron vault and scarcely lit by a small rose, originally on the west side of the narthex.[45]听Alternating in each corner, the emblems of the Order of the Band and Castile decorate the shafts, referring again to the monastery鈥檚 founder. Crossing the church portal from darkness of the narthex, visitors enter a space that is dramatically larger and bright, during daylight hours at least (see Fig. 9.9). A similar effect has been observed in the old chapel of San Pedro that precedes the Constable鈥檚 Chapel in Burgos Cathedral, though this may have been prompted by other factors.[46]
In Miraflores, beyond the old church portal, the space opened to the faithful was the westernmost bay of the church.[47]听This space is separate from the lay brother鈥檚 choir by a grille. The current iron grille was installed in the nineteenth century, although the original grille, 鈥la reja grande鈥, was also iron.[48]听Installed in 1493, the original grille was decorated with the royal coats of arms and, very likely, two sculptures of angels by Gil de Siloe.[49]听Nowadays, if the screen is closed, the beholder can hardly see the royal tombs from the west end of the church, and this seems to have been the case at the end of the fifteenth century. Placed below the exuberant presbytery vault and before the richly carved retable, the tomb of John II and Isabella of Portugal is more than 31.5 metres from the grille. Observed from the west bay, only its pale profile can be perceived (Fig. 9.16).
Analysis of the interior suggests that Sim贸n de Colonia was fully aware of this situation when he conceived the inner elevations. Unlike the nave vaults, the ribs of the presbytery vault are decorated with delicate tracery (Fig. 9.17). Sim贸n de Colonia had used the same feature to decorate the ribs of the Conception Chapel in Burgos Cathedral, as well as the arch separating the Constable鈥檚 Chapel from chapel of San Pedro. Although this form has been associated with a dubiously semantic load, it seems to be no more than a decorative device that enhanced the richness of the vaults. What is noteworthy is not Sim贸n鈥檚 use of this vocabulary, but rather its manipulation to create different aesthetic effects depending on the standpoint of the beholder. I will illustrate this point by comparing the vaults at Miraflores with this in the Conception Chapel in Burgos Cathedral.
In the vault of the Conception Chapel, the tracery springs from the lateral sides of the ribs, creating a delicate border along their entire length. Observed from the interior of the chapel, the ribs resemble a dynamic floating structure, detached from the vault webs (Fig. 9. 18). The drama of this illusion is increased by delicate polychromy. Below the webs, which were probably painted in blue, the ribs were painted in gold, remnants of which are still visible. In Miraflores, on the contrary, the tracery work hangs from the intrados of the main ribs of presbytery vault and from the transverse arch separating the capilla mayor from the nave (see Fig. 9.17). The tracery visualises the spatial division between the presbytery and the nave, in accordance with the decorum of both spaces. As the church has only a single nave, this formal variation was one of the few means available to Sim贸n to differentiate the two spaces.
Comparing both vaults, we can conclude that the Conception Chapel鈥檚 vault was conceived to be observed from below, within the chapel. But the vaults of 迟丑别听capilla mayor听at Miraflores were to be observed obliquely, particularly from the westernmost bay of the nave. By examining the design procedures and creative strategies codified in the parchment fragment from Miraflores, I will show how Sim贸n carefully considered the church鈥檚 spatial organisation when designing the vaults.
Like the vaults drawn on the parchment fragment, the vault of the church at Miraflores includes a ridge rib (see Figs. 9.5 and 9.6). This seems to have been planned by Juan de Colonia, following the vault plan of Las Cuevas (see Fig. 9.7). In the vaults of the four western bays of the nave, the ridge rib and diagonal ribs form six compartments, which are subdivided by tiercerons (the transversal compartments) and triradials (the longitudinal compartments) (Figs. 9.19 and 9.21). The vault of the eastern bay includes an extra transverse rib, creating eight compartments, each articulated by triradials (Figs. 9.20 and 9.21). One might think that Sim贸n wanted to emphasise spatial differentiation in the nave, but as originally planned, the monks鈥 choir was and is located in the two eastern bays.[50]听That is to say that both bays constitute a unified space from a functional point of view.
The purpose of this design variation emerges clearly only when the interior is observed from the westernmost bay. As discussed above, the space in the church opened to the faithful. Indeed, looking from this standpoint, the eastern bay vault seems to be similar to the other vaults of the nave. It suggests that Sim贸n manipulated the vault plan so that the nave鈥檚 inner space appeared from the perspective of the faithful as a unitary space, an optical illusion that Sim贸n de Colonia shaped by displacing the position of the bosses from the transversal axis (see Fig. 9.16).
Conclusions
At the request of Isabella I of Castile, Sim贸n de Colonia modified the church of the charterhouse of Miraflores, as designed by his father in the 1450s. All the evidence suggests that the queen did not consider the original church鈥檚 plain style appropriate for a royal foundation. Besides a clear stylistic paradigm shift, Sim贸n de Colonia鈥檚 architecture reveals a thoughtful reflection on the perception of architectural spaces and forms, in which the potential viewpoint of the beholder played a key role. In other words, Sim贸n conceived his architecture to be seen from key viewpoints, both within the church and outside it. If his father鈥檚 design largely imitated the plan and vocabulary of Santa Mar铆a de las Cuevas, Sim贸n invented new modifications to the church at Miraflores, creating subtle visual illusions and radically new aesthetic effects.
Citations
[1]听See Luciano Serrano,听Los Reyes Cat贸licos y la ciudad de Burgos (Desde 1451 a 1492)听(Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cient铆ficas, Instituto Jer贸nimo Zurita, 1943), pp. 142-66.
[2]听鈥楨 luego el bastardo hermano del Rey, y el Condestable, escribi茅ron 谩 la Reyna que estaba en Valladolid, que veniese 谩 asentar el partido, 茅 谩 recebir su fortaleza. La Reyna vistas las letras del Duque 茅 del Condestable, parti贸 de Valladolid, 茅 vino para la cibdad de B煤rgos, 茅 pos贸 en las casas del Obispo. 脡 all铆 vini茅ron 谩 ella personas diputadas por parte del Alcayde, 茅 de los que estaban con 茅l en el castillo: 茅 perdon贸los, 茅 mand贸les restituir sus bienes, 茅 recibi贸 el castillo, en el qual puso por Alcayde 谩 Diego de Ribera, Ayo que fu茅 del Pr铆ncipe Don Alonso su hermano: 茅 di贸 贸rden en el bastimento 茅 reparo del castillo, y en la justicia, 茅 guarda de la cibdad. Esto fecho, volvi贸 luego para Valladolid, 茅 dende vino para Tordesillas, por estar mas cerca de Toro 茅 de Zamora para proveer las cosas necesarias 谩 la guerra鈥. Hernado del Pulgar,听Cr贸nica de los Se帽ores Reyes Cat贸licos Don Fernando y Do帽a Isabel de Castilla y de Arag贸n, escrita por su cronista Hernando del Pulgar cotexada con antiguos manuscritos y aumentada de varias ilustraciones y enmiendas听(Valencia: Imprenta de Benito Monfort, 1780), p. 74.
[3]听Franciso Tar铆n y Juaneda,听La Real Cartuja de Miraflores (Burgos). Su historia y descripci贸n听(Burgos: Hijos de Santiago Rodr铆guez, 1897), pp. 138-9.
[4]听Tar铆n y Juaneda,听La Real Cartuja,听pp. 138-39; Ronda Kasl,听The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style. Art, Commerce, and Politics in Fifteenth-Century Castile听(Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2014), pp. 107-8.
[5]听鈥76.- A 23 de Abril confirmaron todos los privilegios los Reyes Don Fernando y Do帽a Ysabel鈥.听Noticia vreve y compendiosa de la fundacion desta Real Cartuja de Miraflores sacada del Libro del Becerro, con otras noticias dignas de saberse听(hereafter听Noticia vreve), Carpeta 377, Documento 6, Archivo Cartuja de Miraflores (hereafter ACM).
[6]听鈥楢 26 de Febrero se volvio a proseguir la obra de la iglesia鈥.听Noticia vreve, ACM.听The date given in 迟丑别听Noticia vreve听as the start of works seems to refer to the ceremony.
[7]听鈥楢帽o de 1476 junto con su Marido Don Fernando el Catolico confirmo todos los privilegios de esta Casa, y despues a帽o de 1477 mando proseguir la fabrica de la Yglesia鈥.听Breve noticia de la fundacion de la Real Cartuja de Miraflores,听Proyecto de continuaci贸n de la Espa帽a Sagrada, Documento 1, Real Academia de la Historia.
[8]听Juan Arias de Miranda,听Apuntes hist贸ricos sobre la Cartuja de Miraflores, de Burgos听(Burgos: Imprenta de Pascual Polo, 1843), p. 39; Manuel de Assas y Ere帽o,听La Cartuja de Miraflores, junto 谩 Burgos听(Madrid: Jos茅 Gil Dorregaray, 1880), p. 21; Kasl,听The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style,听p. 108.
[9]听Noticia vreve, ACM; Tar铆n y Juaneda,听La Real Cartuja,听pp. 124, 153.
[10]听The first recorded spending by the Crown for Miraflores dates from 1480. See Miguel 脕ngel Ladero Quesada,听La hacienda real castellana entre 1480 y 1492听(Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 1967), p. 73.
[11]听Miguel 脕ngel Ladero Quesada,听La Espa帽a de los Reyes Cat贸licos听(Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 2015), p. 64.
[12]听See Eduardo de Oliver-Copons,听El Castillo de Burgos听(Barcelona: Imprenta de Henrich y Compla en Comandita, 1893), pp. 200-4.
[13]听Fundacion de la Cartuja de Burgos听(hereafter听Fundacion de la Cartuja), Carpeta 377, Documento 1, fol. 1v, ACM; Inuentario del Archivo Com煤n y Cofre del Cid,听Cartuja de Miraflores听(hereafter听Cartuja de Miraflores), fol. 321v, Archivo Hist贸rico de la Catedral de Burgos (hereafter ACB). For Juan de Colonia鈥檚 biography and work, see Manuel Mart铆nez y Sanz,听Historia del templo catedral de Burgos听(Burgos: Imprenta de don Anselmo Revilla, 1866); Carl Justi, 鈥楧ie k枚lnischen Meister an der Kathedrale von Burgos鈥,听Jahrb眉cher des Vereins von Alterthumsfreunden in Rheinlande听93 (1892): pp. 1-30; Vicente Lamp茅rez y Romea, 鈥楯uan de Colonia. Estudio biogr谩fico-cr铆tico鈥,听Bolet铆n de la Sociedad Castellana de Excursiones听19 (1903): pp. 351-356 and 22 (1904): pp. 403-415; Hugo Kehrer, 鈥楧ie T眉rme der Kathedrale von Burgos und Hans von K枚ln鈥,听M眉nchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst听4 (1928): pp. 477-489; August Liebmann Mayer,听Gotik in Spanien听(Leipzip: Klinkhardt & Biermann Verlag, 1928), pp. 31-4; Te贸filo L贸pez Mata,听La catedral de Burgos听(Burgos: Hijos de Santiago Rodr铆guez, 1950); Mat铆as Mart铆nez Burgos, 鈥楨n torno a la catedral de Burgos. II Colonias y Siloes. Juan de Colonia鈥,听Bolet铆n de la Instituci贸n Fern谩n Gonz谩lez听128 (1954): pp. 215鈥226; Nicol谩s Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez, 鈥楯uan de Colonia en los inicios del tardog贸tico burgal茅s鈥, in Juan Francisco Jim茅nez et al. (eds.),听Actas IV Simposio de J贸venes Medievalistas. Lorca 2018听(Murcia: Universidad de Murcia, 2009), pp. 145-160; Mar铆a Pilar Garc铆a Cuetos, 鈥楨n los l铆mites de la sombra como arquetipo historiogr谩fico. La llegada de Juan de Colonia y su aportaci贸n a la arquitectura tardog贸tica en Castilla鈥, in Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz (coord.),听Los 煤ltimos arquitectos del G贸tico听(Madrid: Grupo de Investigaci贸n de Arquitectura Tardog贸tica, 2010), pp. 71-146; Nicol谩s Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez, 鈥楯uan de Colonia and the west fa莽ade of Burgos cathedral: 1442-1458鈥,听Hortus Artium Medievalium听16 (2010): pp. 333-339; Nicol谩s Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez, 鈥楨cclesia ecclesiarum et civitas civitarum Castelle. La instrumentalizaci贸n ret贸rica de la arquitectura en la obra pol铆tica de Alonso Garc铆a de Santa Mar铆a鈥, in Mar铆a Dolores Teijeira Pablos, Mar铆a Victoria Herr谩ez Ortega and Mar铆a Concepci贸n Cosmen,听Reyes y prelados. La creaci贸n art铆stica en los reinos de Le贸n y Castilla (1050-1500)听(Madrid: S铆lex, 2014), pp. 371-388; Nicol谩s Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez,听Studien zum empirischen Konstruieren Juan de Colonias (鈥 1476/78).听Form- und Herstellungswissen im Protostadium einer 脛ra des Architekturtraktats, 2 vols. (Cologne: K枚lner Architekturstudien, 2018), and for his death, see 1: pp. 83-6.
[14]听Noticia vreve,听ACM; Arias de Miranda,听Apuntes hist贸ricos,听p. 39; Tar铆n y Juaneda,听La Real Cartuja,听p. 145.
[15]听Fundacion de la Cartuja, fol. 1v, ACM;听Cartuja de Miraflores, fol. 321v, ACM.
[16]听Noticia vreve, ACM;听Noticia breve y compendiosa de la fundacion de esta Real Cartuja de Miraflores, sacada del libro de Becerro, con otras noticias dignas de saberse听(hereafter听Noticia breve), Cuaderno 375, fol. 19, ACM.
[17]听See Arias de Miranda,听Apuntes hist贸ricos,听p. 39; Juan de Dios de la Rada y Delgado, 鈥楽epulcro de Don Juan II en la Cartuja de Miraflores de Burgos鈥,听Museo espa帽ol de antig眉edades听3 (1874): p. 302; Manuel de Assas y Ere帽o,听La Cartuja de Miraflores, junto 谩 Burgos听(Madrid: Jos茅 Gil Dorregaray, 1880), p. 21; Tar铆n y Juaneda,听La Real Cartuja,听p. 145; Kasl,听The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style,听p. 108; Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz, 鈥楲as capillas funerarias de los Trast谩mara: de la creaci贸n de la memoria a 鈥渓a grandeza humillada鈥濃, in Olga P茅rez Monz贸n, Matilde Miquel Juan and Mar铆a Mart铆n Gil (eds.),听Ret贸rica art铆stica en el tardog贸tico castellano. La capilla f煤nebre de 脕lvaro de Luna en contexto听(Madrid: S铆lex, 2018), p. 157.
[18]听Transcribed by Tar铆n y Juaneda,听La Real Cartuja, pp. 562-4.
[19]听The south wall was a remnant of the old palace built by king Enrique III of Castile. On the palace of Miraflores, see Luciano Huidrobro y Serna, 鈥楨l antiguo palacio real de Miraflores鈥,听Bolet铆n de la Comisi贸n Provincial de Monumentos Hist贸ricos de Burgos听14 (1935): pp. 209-14.听
[20]听On this procedure in Miraflores鈥檚 cloisters, see Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez,听Studien zum empirischen Konstruieren Juan de Colonias,听2: pp. 137-54.
[21]听For Astorga Cathedral, see Pablo de la Riestra,听La catedral de Astorga y la arquitectura del g贸tico alem谩n听(Oviedo: Museo de la Catedral de Astorga, 1992); Pablo de la Riestra, 鈥楲a catedral de Astorga y sus referentes alemanes鈥, in Christian Freigang (ed.),听Gotische Architektur in Spanien. La arquitectura g贸tica en Espa帽a听(Frankfurt am Main and Madrid: Iberoamericana Vervuert, 1999), pp. 273-288. For Seville Cathedral, see Alonso Jim茅nez Mart铆n (ed.),听La piedra postrera, 2 vols. (Seville: Tvrris Fort铆ssima, 2007); Juan Clemente Rodr铆guez Est茅vez, 鈥楥ambio y continuidad en el proyecto g贸tico de la catedral de Sevilla鈥,听Laboratorio de Arte听23 (2011): pp. 33-64; Alfonso Jim茅nez Mart铆n:听Anatom铆a de la catedral de Sevilla听(Seville: Diputaci贸n de Sevilla, 2013).
[22]听See Mat铆as Mart铆nez Burgos, 鈥楧on Alonso de Cartagena, obispo de Burgos. Su testamento鈥,听Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos听63 (1957): p. 91.
[23]听Noticia vreve,听ACM; Tar铆n y Juaneda,听La Real Cartuja,听p. 143.
[24]听鈥85. se puso el lazo, o clarauoia en el obalo de la yglesia encima de la puerta鈥.听Noticia vreve, ACM.
[25]听For the two groups of stained glass in the church of Miraflores, see Jan van Damme, 鈥楴iclaes Rombouts y las vidrieras de la Cartuja de Miraflores鈥, in听La Cartuja de Miraflores, vol. 3,听Las vidrieras听(Madrid: Fundaci贸n Iberdrola, 2007), p. 52. Scholars normally date the commission of the stained glass to ca. 1482-84: Assas y Ere帽o,听La Cartuja,听p. 21; Fernando Cort茅s Pizano, 鈥榁idrieros de los Paises Bajos en Espa帽a鈥, in听La Cartuja de Miraflores, 3: pp. 20-22; van Damme, 鈥楴iclaes Rombouts鈥, pp. 41-53; Kasl,听The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style, pp. 21-4. However, the first payment for the acquisition of the stained glass in Flanders dates to 1486. Two other payments were made in 1487 and 1488: 鈥楧ieronse Diego de Soria un gran mercader de Burgos para que comprase en Flandes las vidrieras de la iglesia el a帽o 1486 26.500鈥,听Cartuja de Miraflores,听fol. 322, ACB.
[26]听Joaqu铆n Yarza Luaces,听Los Reyes Cat贸licos. Paisaje art铆stico de una monarqu铆a听(Madrid: Nerea, 1993), pp. 54-64.
[27]听On the tombs, see Mar铆a Jes煤s G贸mez B谩rcena,听Escultura g贸tica funeraria en Burgos听(Burgos: Diputaci贸n Provincial de Burgos, 1988) pp. 203-21; Joaqu铆n Yarza Luaces,听Los Reyes Cat贸licos,听pp. 59-64; Joaqu铆n Yarza Luaces, 鈥楲os sepulcros reales de la Cartuja de Miraflores鈥, in听La Cartuja de Miraflores, vol. 1,听Los Sepulcros听(Madrid: Fundaci贸n Iberdrola, 2007), pp. 15-73; Kasl,听The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style, pp. 122-53. For the tomb of John II and Isabella of Portugal, see Felipe Pereda, 鈥楨l cuerpo muerto del rey Juan II, Gil de Silo茅, y la imaginaci贸n escatol贸gica (Observaciones sobre el lenguaje de la escultura en la alta Edad Media)鈥,听Anuario del Departamento de Historia y Teor铆a del Arte (U.A.M.)听13 (2001): pp. 53-85. For the tomb of the Infante Alfonso, see Mar铆a Jes煤s G贸mez B谩rcena, 鈥楨l sepulcro del Infante Alfonso鈥, in听Actas del Congreso Internacional sobre Gil de Siloe y la escultura de su 茅poca听(Burgos, Instituci贸n Fern谩n Gonz谩lez, 2001), pp. 189-206; Mar铆a Dolores Teijeira Pablos: 鈥楿n ejemplo de iconograf铆a marginal funeraria: la orla del sepulcro del infante Alfonso en la Cartuja de Miraflores鈥,听Reales Sitios听133 (1997): pp. 35-43.
[28]听For Sim贸n de Colonia鈥檚 biography and work, see Mart铆nez y Sanz,听Historia del templo catedral;听Justi,听Die k枚lnischen Meister;听Mayer,听Gotik in Spanien,听pp. 150-167; Filem贸n Arribas Arranz, 鈥楽im贸n de Colonia en Valladolid鈥,听Bolet铆n del Seminario de Estudios de Arte y Arqueolog铆a听11 (1933-4): pp. 153-166; L贸pez Mata,听La catedral de Burgos;听Mat铆as Mart铆nez Burgos, 鈥楨n torno a la catedral de Burgos. II. Colonias y Siloes. Juan y Sim贸n de Colonia.- Gil de Siloe鈥,听Bolet铆n de la Instituci贸n Fern谩n Gonz谩lez听130 (1955): pp. 433鈥459; Rafael Dom铆nguez Casas,听Arte y etiqueta de los Reyes Cat贸licos. Artistas, residencias, jardines y bosques听(Madrid: Editorial alpuerto, 1993), pp. 51-7; Felipe Pereda and Alfonso Rodr铆guez G. de Ceballos, 鈥楥oeli enarrant gloriam dei. Arquitectura, iconograf铆a y liturgia en la capilla de los Condestables de la Catedral de Burgos鈥,听Annali di architettura: rivista del Centro Internazionale di Studi di Architettura听9 (1997): pp. 17鈥34; Isidro Gonzalo Bango Torviso, 鈥楽im贸n de Colonia y la ciudad de Burgos. Sobre la definici贸n estil铆stica de las segundas generaciones de familias de artistas extranjeros en los siglos XV y XVI鈥, in:听Actas del Congreso Internacional sobre Gil de Siloe y la escultura de su 茅poca听(Burgos, Instituci贸n Fern谩n Gonz谩lez, 2001), pp. 51-69; Felipe Pereda, 鈥楲a morada del salvaje. La fachada selv谩tica del colegio de San Gregorio y sus contextos鈥, in Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz (coord.),听Los 煤ltimos arquitectos del G贸tico听(Madrid: Grupo de Investigaci贸n de Arquitectura Tardog贸tica, 2010), pp. 149鈥217; Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez,听Studien zum empirischen Konstruieren Juan de Colonias;听Nicol谩s Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez, 鈥楿na traza original de Sim贸n de Colonia procedente de la Cartuja de Miraflores (Observaciones sobre las estrategias del dise帽o arquitect贸nico en el Cuatrocientos hispano)鈥,听Medievalia听22 (forthcoming).
[29]听Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez,听Studien zum empirischen Konstruieren Juan de Colonias, 2: pp. 172-88. Following the chronicles, it has been hitherto assumed that Garci Fern谩ndez de Matienzo and Sim贸n de Colonia had continued construction of the church following Juan de Colonia鈥檚 designs. See Arias de Miranda,听Apuntes hist贸ricos,听p. 39; Rada y Delgado,听Sepulcro de Don,听pp. 302-3; Assas y Ere帽o,听La Cartuja,听p. 21; Tar铆n y Juaneda,听La Real Cartuja,听p. 145.
[30]听鈥榌1486] Se hizo la capilla 谩 la entrada de la iglesia con una portada magnifica: en ella se coloc贸 una estatua de la Compasion de Nuestra Se帽ora, y un 贸valo peque帽o en frente de la puerta de la iglesia. Esto se mud贸 por los a帽os de 1658, como se dir谩鈥.听Noticia breve,听fols. 21-2, ACM. Indeed, the portal was dismantled and moved to its current location under prior Juan de Santoya (1648-1661), as part of an extensive renewal programme of the church: 鈥楨l a帽o de [16]57 se empez贸 谩 componer la iglesia; se blanque贸 toda; se hizo la cornisa, la que se construy贸 sobre la que tenia, que apenas se divisaba: se pusieron todos los Cuadros con sus adornos, y cuatro vidrieras de la capilla mayor; 贸valo de la iglesia: se abrio el 贸valo que est谩 sobre la puerta de la iglesia, y se le puso vidriera; / se muda la puerta: se mud贸 la puerta primera del lado del rega帽on, 谩 donde est谩 ahora; y el 贸valo peque帽o que estaba donde est谩 la puerta, se puso donde estaba antes la puerta.鈥櫶Noticia breve,听fols. 41-2, ACM. The main portal had been relegated to a second plane since the 1530s by the construction of chapels on the church鈥檚 north side and the gatehouse.
[31]听Clero regular, Carpeta 259, Legajo 6, Archivo Hist贸rico Nacional (hereafter AHN). On this architectural drawing, see Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez,听Studien zum empirischen Konstruieren Juan de Colonias, 2: pp. 189-204; Nicol谩s Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez,听Una traza original de Sim贸n de Colonia.
[32]听See Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez,听Studien zum empirischen Konstruieren Juan de Colonias, 2: pp. 112-33.
[33]听As is clear from the letter from John II to the Prior General of the Order, Francisco Maresme, in which he formally offered the palace鈥檚 donation and the monastery鈥檚 foundation: 鈥榥os place de ofrecer a la dicha buestra horden los nuestros Palacios de Miraflores, que son situados cerca de la nra. mui noble Cibdad de Burgos caveza de Castilla nuestra C谩mara que es a media legua de la dicha Cibdad. E si por ventura los dichos Palacios al modo de la dicha horden non pudieren asi ser dispuestos a nos placera con consejo de Personas de la dicha horden mandar construir e facer fuera de los dichos Palacios celdas para doce Monjes e ocho hermanos legos, e asi mesmo entendemos edificar Iglesia e Claustro e oficinas al modo de la dicha horden鈥. Tar铆n y Juaneda,听La Real Cartuja,听p. 532.
[34]听On the transfer of architectural models from Seville to Miraflores, see Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez,听Studien zum empirischen Konstruieren Juan de Colonias, 2: pp. 116-33.
[35]听Tar铆n y Juaneda,听La Real Cartuja,听p. 101.
[36]听See Francisco de Paula Ca帽as G谩lvez,听El itinerario de la corte de Juan II de Castilla (1418-1454)听(Madrid: S铆lex, 2007).
[37]听Kasl,听The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style, p. 107; Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez,听Studien zum empirischen Konstruieren Juan de Colonias, 2: pp. 100-1.
[38]听The stonecutting technique is more precise in the Constable鈥檚 Chapel, where the pieces were elaborated with accurate, sharp edges and intersections.听 The mouldings are also decorated with vegetable ornament.
[39]听For San Pedro de Carde帽a, see Men茅ndez,听Studien zum empirischen Konstruieren Juan de Colonias, 1: pp. 135-45.
[40]听Miraflores鈥 main chapel vault repeats the form of Nuestra Se帽ora de las Cuevas. That is the reason why we can assume that this form goes back to the vault plan devised by Juan de Colonia.
[41]听This analysis refutes the historiography concerning the authorship of Miraflores vault plan. The attribution of the vaults of the capilla mayor to Sim贸n de Colonia on account of their tracery decoration, and those the nave to his father, is unconvincing. See Elena Mart铆n Mart铆nez de Sim贸n, 鈥楢rquitectura religiosa tardog贸tica en la provincial de Burgos (1440-1511)鈥 (PhD diss., Universidad de Burgos, 2013), p. 1191; Alonso Ruiz,听Las capillas funerarias,听p. 157.
[42]听Gracia y Justicia, Legajos, 00194, Archivo General de Simancas. See Sec. Consejos, Mapa no. 760, AHN; Sec. Consejos, Mapa no. 761, AHN. Both are reproduced in听Burgos.听La ciudad a trav茅s de la cartograf铆a hist贸rica听(Burgos: Instituto Municipal de Cultura, 2002), pp. 98-9.
[43]听The portal has been located on the wall adjacent to the church鈥檚 sacristy since 1956.
[44]听See B. de A.,听La Cartuja de Miraflores听(Burgos: Hijos de Santiago Rodr铆guez, 1899), p. 10.
[45]听In 1657 the rose was relocated on north side of the narthex. See note 30.
[46]听See Elena Paulino Montero, 鈥樷淓a quae insignite fiunt sepulcra mortuorum鈥. La capilla de la Purificaci贸n de la catedral de Burgos y la creaci贸n de la memoria鈥, in Olga P茅rez Monz贸n, Matilde Miquel Juan and Mar铆a Mart铆n Gil (eds.),听Ret贸rica art铆stica en el tardog贸tico castellano. La capilla f煤nebre de 脕lvaro de Luna en contexto听(Madrid: S铆lex, 2018), p. 247.
[47]听Tar铆n y Juaneda,听La Real Cartuja, pp. 328-9; Isidro Gonzalo Bango Torviso,听Edificios e im谩genes medievales. Historia y significado de las formas听(Madrid: Historia 16, 1995), pp. 85-7.
[48]听Noticia breve,听fol. 44, ACM.
[49]听鈥榚ste a帽o [1493] se concluio la reja de la yglesia, que divide el coro de los conversos, y seculares鈥.听Noticia vreve, ACM. 鈥楲os Angeles que habia en la reja grande, y ten铆an dos caras la una de hombre y la otra de mujer, los hizo el Maestro Gil, (el mismo que hizo los sepulcros) y costaron 16.000 maraved铆es鈥.听Noticia breve,听fol. 44, ACM.
[50]听As recorded in 迟丑别听Memorial del plan y obras: 鈥楨 en la nave de la yglesia deve aver a lo menos quatro cruseros | de los quales los dos cruseros que son mas cercanos a la capilla an de ser coro de los monges. E el tercero crusero ha de ser coro de los frayles barbudos. El cuarto para los seglares.鈥 Transcribed by Tar铆n y Juaneda,听La Real Cartuja, p. 562. Nevertheless, the nave was built with five bays.
DOI: 10.33999/2019.53