Inventio听and听Imitatio: The Appropriation of Valois Style by a听Converso听Contador Mayor[1]
The magnificent funerary chapel of Contador Salda帽a in the Royal Monastery of Santa Clara de Tordesillas鈥攂uilt between 1430 and 1435, according to the painted frieze on its walls鈥攊s without local precedent (Figs. 6.1 & 6.2).[2]听In contrast to the classic Gothic and Mud茅jar styles characteristic of most contemporaneous buildings, its flamboyant tracery, gabled niches, figured corbels, and shield-bearing angels recall those from Charles VI鈥檚 programme at the Sainte-Chapelle de Vincennes; its carved and gilded retable with folding wings is of the same type as those installed by Duke Philip the Bold at the charterhouse of Champmol; its naturalistic alabaster effigies are in the style of those commissioned by members of the late fourteenth- and early fifteenth-century Valois courts; and its limestone apostles鈥攄escribed by Clementina Julia Ara Gil as one of the 鈥榩urest鈥 manifestations of Burgundian influence in Castile鈥攁re comparable with those in the Duke of Berry鈥檚 Saint-Chapelle in Bourges.[3]听
Although historians have been fascinated by this chapel since the middle of the nineteenth century, little is known about its commissioning and construction, and many questions relating to its original appearance remain outstanding. This essay seeks to answer some of them by focusing on the physical evidence, interpreting it in relation to the rise and fall of the chapel鈥檚 patron, an ambitious听converso听at the court of John II of Castile.听 Reassessing what the chapel鈥檚 interior originally looked like, the essay considers what the mix of imitation and invention tell us about Contador Salda帽a鈥檚 efforts to make his mark during one of the most turbulent periods of Castilian history.
Fern谩n L贸pez de Salda帽a (c. 1400鈥1456) was one of several converts from middle-class Jewish backgrounds who, under 脕lvaro de Luna鈥檚 patronage, became the backbone of John II鈥檚 new court apparatus.[4]听Named secretary to the king in 1422, Salda帽a soon married the daughter of a member of the Royal Council, Elvira de Acevedo, and by 1429 he was Contador Mayor (chief comptroller) and on the Royal Council himself.[5]听By this time he had also amassed a great deal of land and income, and he soon secured permission to construct a funerary chapel at Santa Clara de Tordesillas. Elvira died in 1433鈥攁s we know from the painted frieze鈥攍eaving Salda帽a with four surviving children; within a decade he had not only fathered two more children by his second wife, Isabel V茅lez de Guevara, but also defected to the cause of the Infantes (John II鈥檚 cousins) who were determined to wrest power from the king.[6]听When King John鈥檚 forces won a resounding victory at the Battle of Olmedo in 1445, Salda帽a was forced to flee to Aragon where he died eleven years later.[7]听P茅rez de Guzm谩n, the well-known听converso听chronicler and loyalist, described him soon afterwards as 鈥榓 small and base man (un peque帽o e raez hombre) to whom too many people had shamefully bowed down鈥.[8]
Funerary chapels like Salda帽a鈥檚 enabled wealthy Castilians to seek salvation at the same time as making extravagant displays of material wealth and heraldry.[9]听Perhaps the most ostentatious was the chapel of Santiago in Toledo Cathedral, commissioned by Salda帽a鈥檚 mentor, 脕lvaro de Luna. Salda帽a鈥檚 selection of a site at Santa Clara was inspired: not only was this one of the most important royal foundations, but the new chapel鈥檚 river-frontage enabled the young听contador听to show off his newly-acquired status in a highly visible location. The contract between the nuns and Salda帽a鈥檚 nominees refers to 鈥榳ell-polished and expensively-worked stone鈥, which emphatically contrasts with the brick from which the rest of the monastery was built and confirms the importance to the ambitious courtier of material display.[10]听As in early Renaissance Italy, such display was associated by fifteenth-century Castilians with magnificence and nobility.[11]听Salda帽a鈥檚 fellow courtier and听converso, Alonso de Cartagena, had in 1422 discussed the concept of magnificence in a compendium of Aristotle鈥檚听Nichomachean Ethics, asserting that expenditure on objects was both pleasing to God and beneficial to society.[12]
Commissioning a tall northern European structure, Salda帽a was clearly looking to fashion himself as a new kind of noble, deserving of status thanks his service to the king, just as Burgundian figures such as Nicolas Rolin were honoured for serving John II鈥檚 contemporary, Philip the Good.[13]听Despite the import of increasing quantities of Flemish tapestries and other luxury goods, many chapels commissioned by wealthy Castilians in the first half of the fifteenth century were built in the Mud茅jar style, out of inexpensive brick and stucco.[14]听Salda帽a鈥檚 chapel was built out of limestone, with slender buttresses, large windows and a pitched roof, and its gabled interior niches (Fig. 6.3) and shield-bearing angels (Fig. 6.4)鈥攁 motif directly associated with the Valois monarchy鈥攊mitated those at the Sainte-Chapelle at Vincennes and the Palais des Comtes at Poitiers.[15]听It is likely to have influenced the choices made by 脕lvaro de Luna, who was granted permission to demolish three existing chapels in Toledo Cathedral for his own project just as work started in Tordesillas.[16]听Although construction must have been advancing under the direction of cathedral鈥檚听 Castilian听maestro mayor听Alvar Mart铆nez when Luna is visited in 1435, 听the chapel鈥檚 spectacular flamboyant decorative programme is thought to have taken shape only after 1437 when the French mason Pierre Gelopa (known locally as Pedro Jalopa) took over.[17]听Gelopa came from La Fert茅-Milon in northern France and no doubt trained in the shadow of Louis d鈥橭rl茅ans鈥檚 nearby ch芒teux of Pierrefonds, completed c. 1407.[18]
The only craftsman鈥檚 name to be documented in relation to the Salda帽a Chapel is that of 鈥maestre听guillem de roam鈥 (probably a hispanised version of Guillaume of Rouen), who, according to an epitaph carved in Gothic script on one of the exterior walls, was the chapel鈥檚听aparejador听or clerk of works.[19]听A second name which has been associated with the chapel in recent years is that of Isambart, who is documented as working at Pierrefonds (under the name of Jehan Ysambart) in 1399.[20]听They were both part of a network of northern European masons and sculptors who arrived in the Iberian Peninsula in the early fifteenth century, working in a number of sites that includes the cathedral of Pamplona, then being rebuilt by Charles the Noble, grandson of the Valois king, Jean II.[21]
Scholars have long been intrigued by several questions relating to disruptions, breakages, and apparent lack of finish in some areas of the Salda帽a Chapel, and by the combination of diverse materials and styles. What are the identities of the four effigies, and why is one of them made from limestone while the other three are alabaster, smaller, and carved by a different workshop? Were the four tomb-niches, with their blank armorial shields, originally polychromed? What was the function of three seated limestone saints, now free-standing but clearly designed to be attached to a stone surface (Fig. 6.5)? Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz has hypothesised that a break in the building line visible on the external wall and a diagram on the corresponding wall inside may relate to the death of Guillem de Rouen.[22]听Ara Gil has speculated that Guillem鈥檚 death might also explain the change in style between the shield-bearing angels and apostles, and that the incompleteness of the set of apostles might indicate this aspect of the original project was left unfinished.[23]听A carved relief on the outside wall, which displays the heraldry of the king, Salda帽a, and his wives, includes an intriguing depiction of the arms of 脕lvaro de Luna at the centre of the relief with Salda帽a鈥檚 hanging from them (Fig. 6.6). This striking armorial reference to Salda帽a鈥檚 patron has led to the suggestion that Luna鈥檚 first wife, Elvira de Portocarrero, might be buried in the chapel.[24]听However, such an unusual arrangement would surely have been mentioned in Salda帽a鈥檚 contract with convent (signed in 1432, several years after Portocarrero鈥檚 death) which specifies only that the chapel should house those tombs and funerary monuments specified by Salda帽a or the heirs to his听mayorazgo.[25]听Juan Carlos Ruiz Souza has written about the southern portal to the main church, which bears the arms of the family of Isabel de Guevara and was shifted, probably in the eighteenth century.[26]
One problem with some of these arguments may be the assumption that the chapel as it appears now is largely intact, and that the date inscribed in its frieze marks the end of work.[27]听This assumption is likely to be false. Isabel de Guevara鈥攆irst documented as Salda帽a鈥檚 new wife in December 1436鈥攊s not mentioned in the frieze (which was presumably completed by the end of 1435), but her arms appear inside the chapel and on the stone relief on the exterior wall.[28]听Close reading of the physical evidence indicates that work may have continued well beyond 1435, and, when examined in relation to biographical information, can help to answer some of the outstanding questions and to understand Salda帽a鈥檚 programme as one of appropriation, rather than pure imitation, of the Valois model.
The Identity and Original Location of the Effigies
With nothing painted on the shields above the tombs and no epitaphs, there has been considerable debate about the identity of the portrait-like effigies in the chapel鈥檚 four niches. These effigies are laid directly on the plinths rather than on raised beds, as was conventional.[29]听The limestone effigy, representing a man in his late forties or early fifties dressed in a full-length formal gown, measures 205 by 67 by 52 centimetres; two of the alabaster effigies, representing young adult women, measure 190 by 47 by 30 centimetres; the third alabaster represents a man in his late thirties or early forties.[30]听The alabaster effigies are thus considerably smaller than the limestone one and, as Ara Gil remarked, appear too small for their niches.[31]听The female effigies are dressed in听hopas听belted above the waist (as was fashionable from about 1440) worn over laced听briales,听with elaborate head-dresses and necklaces, and听chapines听on their feet.[32]听听The male alabaster figure is dressed in a knee-length听ropa, with short gathered sleeves and a belt at the waist, as was fashionable in the late 1430s and 1440s.[33]听All four effigies are carved with great skill, although the limestone figure is stylistically very different to the other three, which all appear to have been carved by the same hand.
At least one of the male effigies almost certainly represents Fern谩n L贸pez de Salda帽a, whose name is inscribed in the frieze above the tombs, and whose heraldry features prominently in and outside the building.[34]听Although Salda帽a was originally buried at the convent of San Francisco in Borja (Aragon), it is known from the will of his son Pedro V茅lez de Guevara that he had been reburied in the chapel by 1477.[35]听Another of the effigies is likely to be Elvira de Acevedo, who is also mentioned in the frieze. The couple鈥檚 shields figure on the stairs leading down to the crypt beneath the chapel.[36]听The second female effigy is likely to represent Isabel V茅lez de Guevara, Salda帽a鈥檚 second wife whose arms also appear on the crypt stairs.[37]
The first scholar to publish illustrations of the chapel, Valent铆n Carderera y Solano, writing in the 1850s, identified the male alabaster effigy wearing the knee-length听ropa听as Salda帽a.[38]听However, in the 1860s Jos茅 Mar铆a Quadrado claimed that Salda帽a was instead represented by the limestone effigy wearing the more traditional听ropaje talar听associated with a听contador.[39]听Most scholars have accepted Quadrado鈥檚 identification, although the figure appears to be considerably older and dressed differently to the donor in the retable on the chapel鈥檚 altar, which has been dated, like the alabaster effigy鈥檚 knee-length听ropa, to the mid-1430s.[40]听In this painting, Salda帽a is dressed identically to the alabaster effigy, with the same distinctive haircut, and it is difficult to disagree with Carderera that the alabaster effigy is intended to represent Salda帽a himself.[41]听Alabaster was, after all, the material chosen by high-status Castilians for their effigies.[42]
Is it possible that both the alabaster and the limestone figures represent 迟丑别听contador? The limestone figure appears to have been carved by the same sculptor as that of the polychromed limestone effigy of Francisco de Villaespesa (d. 1421), Chancellor of Navarre under the Valois-born Charles the Noble, in the Chancellor鈥檚 funerary chapel in Tudela Cathedral. The relationship between the design of Villaepesa鈥檚 tomb niche鈥 produced by a team of northern-European masons who had worked under Isambart in the chapel of the Sagrados Corporales in Daroca鈥攁nd that of the niches in Tordesillas was first highlighted by Ara Gil (Fig. 6.7).[43]听Although the latter are not polychromed, they reprise not only the decorative tracery but also the innovative display of heraldry in the spandrels.[44]听Salda帽a is likely to have visited Tudela in the late 1420s as part of negotiations with the infante Juan, who was by then consort of Juana of Navarre. Salda帽a may have commissioned his effigy at that time, long before he commissioned the alabaster figures, which, as discussed below, were probably not made until approximately 1440. Given Salda帽a鈥檚 apparent admiration for all things related to the Valois, this hypothesis is worth further investigation.
These issues beg the question of whether the current position of the effigies is original. The description and illustration published by Carderera in the 1850s implies a different arrangement to that known since the early twentieth century, when the first photographs of the chapel were published. One of the most consistent features of the monuments commissioned by well-to-do early fifteenth-century Castilians such as Aldonza de Mendoza and G贸mez Manrique was their placement directly in front of the altar, often almost touching the steps below it and accommodating both the donor and his or her spouse(s).[45]听The disruption of the neatly laid paving stones in the centre of the eastern half of the Salda帽a Chapel indicates that there was originally a structure which stood there, between the altar and the entrance to the crypt (see Figs. 6.2 and 6.8). The measurements of the relaid area, approximately 237 by 307 centimetres, are consistent with a large tomb accommodating the three alabaster effigies. Salda帽a would lie in the middle, with Elvira dexter (as his first wife) and Isabel sinister (as his second).
Although there is no documentary evidence of a central tomb and its destruction, there is physical evidence of undocumented change within the chapel (such as the displacement of the seated saints from their original location) as well as in its vicinity (such as the movement of the entrance portal with the arms of the V茅lez de Guevara family). There are also many precedents for the re-siting and removal of tombs in the decades and centuries following their construction.[46]听The tombs of Pedro Fern谩ndez de Velasco and Juan Fern谩ndez de Velasco in the monastery of Medina de Pomar, for example, were re-sited from the middle of 迟丑别听capilla mayor听into niches by Juan鈥檚 son when he rebuilt the church in 1436.[47]听Monuments could be removed to make way for new benefactors or if the chapel was to be re-dedicated. Burial rights were an important source of income, and the forfeiting of patronage rights if donors did not maintain private spaces according to the terms of their contracts was common.[48]听Royal confirmations of the L贸pez de Salda帽as鈥 rights in the chapel issued in 1489 and in 1509 may have been instigated by the nuns to remind Salda帽a鈥檚 descendants of their obligation to pay the annual fee.[49]
The siting of important tombs featuring portrait-like alabaster effigies in front of altars was also a feature of Valois funerary chapels such as the Duke of Berry鈥檚 Sainte-Chapelle in Bourges and Philip the Bold鈥檚 tomb at Champmol, designed, like Salda帽a鈥檚, to be seen on all four sides and centrally positioned in the monks鈥 choir facing an altar.[50]听Given the regular diplomatic and mercantile exchanges between Castile and Flanders, eyewitness reports brought back by travellers such as Pedro Tafur, and growing fascination with听vivre noblement听in the Burgundian fashion, Salda帽a must have heard about Champmol even if, to the best of our knowledge, he never left the Iberian Peninsula.[51]听He must certainly have known about the magnificent and innovative carved and gilded听Altarpiece of the Crucifixion听in the choir at Champmol, as he commissioned a similar work for his own chapel (see Fig. 6.2). This object was the first of its kind in Iberia and one of the earliest T-shaped carved retables of the type which would be exported to Castile from the southern Netherlands in large numbers from the mid-fifteenth century onwards.[52]听Given the proximity of the no-longer-extant tomb-chest to the altar, the Salda帽a group effigies would likely have been closer to it than Philip the Bold鈥檚 in the larger and more formal space of the monk鈥檚 choir in Champmol. Salda帽a thus succeeded in referencing the grandeur of the Burgundian duke whilst at the same time placing himself and his spouses in almost direct physical contact with site of the transubstantiation.
The existence of a central tomb would, furthermore, make sense of the chapel鈥檚 four niches which would have remained empty according to our hypothesis. When building started in 1430, Salda帽a must have anticipated burial spaces not only for himself and Elvira in a central tomb but also for their four surviving children: Fern谩n (a.k.a. Ferrando, c. 1428鈥1496), Sancho (d. 1444), Elvira (d. 1454), and Mar铆a (d. 1491).[53]听His contract with the monastery specifically mentions the burial rights inherent in his听casa, so it is likely that he planned space for the four surviving children from the outset. However, Salda帽a鈥檚 daughters Elvira and Mar铆a both appear to have been buried in the convents in Toledo and Salamanca where they died, and his son Sancho, who died fighting with his father and the rebels at the Battle of Olmedo, would not have been granted burial in the chapel after his father鈥檚 betrayal of the king.[54]听听The only son by Elvira whose bones may be amongst those in the crypt is Fern谩n, who left two wills, one asking to be buried in Tordesillas, the other in Salamanca.[55]听The absence of effigies corresponding to these individuals and the lack of polychromy on the shields above the niches tends to confirm that none of them were ever buried in the chapel.
Inventio and the Seated Saints
The existence of a central tomb also answers the question about the original location and function of the seated saints representing Andrew (Fig. 6.9), an unidentified Franciscan, and an unidentified female (see Fig. 6.5). On one side of each sculpture, a rough-surfaced square of stone projects outwards, clearly designed to anchor the figure to another stone surface. The detailed carving on all three other sides indicates that they were designed to remain visible: for example, a long braid hangs down the female saint鈥檚 back (Fig. 6.10). In two cases, the projecting square is on the left, and in the third it is on the right. Saint Andrew,听whose right elbow is bent, with a ledge cut out from its underside, would have leant on the left side of the tomb chest. Although this ensemble represents an unprecedented design, the tradition of saints praying for the effigy鈥攁nd often reading from the scripture鈥攚as well-established, featuring, for example, in Queen Beatriz de Portugal鈥檚 tomb at the nearby monastery of Sancti Spiritus at Toro (c. 1420).[56]听The design can, furthermore, be related to that of the tomb of Sancho S谩nchez de Oteiza in Tudela, attributed to Jehan Lome, where two young deacons, on either side of Oteiza鈥檚 head, read the scripture (one of them holding a hand to his face, like one of the angels on Claus Sluter鈥檚听Well of Moses) (Fig. 6.11).[57]听The parallel between the bent elbow resting on the bible held by one of the Tudela deacons and听Saint Andrew鈥檚 elbow resting on the tomb in Tordesillas seems too close to be coincidental.
The reconstruction of the tomb proposed on this basis is illustrated in Figs. 6.12 and 6.13.听Saint Andrew,听on the left of the tomb chest, prays for Isabel, whose arms prominently figure the saint鈥檚 cross. The Franciscan is likely to be Fern谩n鈥檚 name saint, Saint Anthony of Padua (who was baptised by the name of Fernando), often represented with a book. The female saint, who prays for Elvira, may represent Saint Catherine of Alexandria, a model of wifely virtue whose monastery on Mount Sinai was a popular destination for fifteenth-century pilgrims.[58]听The sculptors of these figures must have had the opportunity to see the finished effigies as the seated听Saint Catherine听wears the same laced听brial听and belted听hopa听as those worn by Elvira de Acevedo and Isabel V茅lez de Guevara. The result is both imitative of the contemporary Castilian and Valois preference for a central tomb with alabaster effigies, and inventive in its inclusion of the three seated saints.
The ledge under听Saint Andrew鈥檚 arm, approximately 95 centimetres from the ground, indicates the height of the tomb chest. This corresponds approximately to the height of the chest of the near-contemporary tomb of G贸mez Manrique and Sancha de Rojas, now in the Museum of Burgos.[59]听The fact that the seated figures of听Saints Andrew,听Anthony听and听Catherine听gaze in the direction of their respective namesakes confirms this arrangement. As Jeffrey Hamburger and others have underlined, seeing was an important vehicle for salvation,[60]听and gaze was important element in the empathic meditation which became popular in the Iberian Peninsula in the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries.[61]听The accuracy of the arrangement is confirmed by the effigies鈥 gazes too: Salda帽a鈥檚 looks straight ahead at the altar, while Elvira鈥檚 and Isabel鈥檚 look towards the altar from their respective sides. Although this design was clearly unconventional, the tomb of Alfonso Enr铆quez, admiral of Castile, which featured a similarly unconventional boat, was built around 1431 in front of the altar in the monastery of Santa Clara de Palencia.[62]
The Apostles: Unfinished听Imitatio or Inventio?
On the walls above the niches in the Salda帽a Chapel are seven unpolychromed limestone sculptures of the apostles, all approximately 180 centimetres in height. They are stylistically different to the relief carvings around the tomb niches and alabaster effigies but appear to be by the same workshop as the seated saints. Whereas stone apostles had often featured on Iberian cathedral portals and were depicted on columns in the C谩mara Santa in Oviedo, their placement against the interior walls of churches was strongly associated with Valois structures such as the Sainte-Chapelle in Bourges which Salda帽a鈥檚 northern craftsmen are likely to have known.[63]听Ara Gil concludes, no doubt correctly, that Salda帽a鈥檚 intention was for a set of twelve.[64]听It is possible that one of the missing apostles is the seated听Andrew, and that the other four were intended for the four empty niches on the piers between the chapel and the main church (see Fig. 6.3). These niches are approximately 210 centimetres high, the right size to have accommodated the sculptures of the apostles, which are 180 centimetres high. Whether these sculptures were produced (and, if so, destroyed or removed), or whether the project was left unfinished, is unknown.
The question of whether Salda帽a intended the sculptures of the apostles and seated saints to be polychromed is also intriguing. The stone apostles commissioned by the Duke of Berry for the Sainte-Chapelle in Bourges were polychromed, as were those from the same period in the Sint-Martinusbasiliek in the Flemish town of Halle, although those in Saint Peter鈥檚 in Li猫ge (as depicted in Rogier van der听Weyden鈥檚 Exhumation of Saint Hubert) were not.[65]听According to a 1988 communication from the Patrimonio Nacional, no traces of polychromy were found on any of the limestone sculptures during the 1988鈥90 restoration campaign.[66]听As noted above, showing off the cost of the stone and the skill with which it was carved was clearly an important consideration for Salda帽a, and it may be that he intended minimal polychromy from the outset. This would have been a bold choice in a visual culture which expected and valued colour.
Nevertheless, considering the absence of polychromy on the shields and the surprising lack of decoration on the tomb fronts, it seems more likely that the work was left unfinished when Salda帽a fled to Aragon in 1445.[67]听The blank shield on the pillow of the limestone effigy in the Salda帽a Chapel indicates that the original intention must have been to polychrome at least that. As Kim Woods and others have underlined, most early fifteenth-century sculpture in northern Europe was fully polychromed or intended for听polychromy.[68]听Susie Nash stresses the vital contribution polychromy made to effect and meaning.[69]听It is possible that the polychromy of the shields was left for completion when Salda帽a鈥檚 children were buried in the chapel which, as we have seen, did not happen.
A New Chronology of the Salda帽a Chapel
Previous scholarship on the Salda帽a Chapel has taken the inscription in its frieze at face value, concluding that the structure and all its contents were completed by 1435. The text should, however, be treated with caution. The difficulty of evaluating inscriptions is well-known, and not only are the opening words missing here but the circumstances of its production are unknown.[70]听The start of construction in 1430 is confirmed by a papal bull issuing indulgences to visitors, by a contract between Salda帽a and the monastery of 1432, and by the no-longer visible epitaph of of听maestre听Guillem鈥檚 death.[71]听Despite the fact that 迟丑别听maestre听Guillem died in 1431, given the scale and nature of the work there is no reason to doubt that the basic structure was indeed complete by 1435. This would include the four tomb niches and most of the integral decorative carving on the arches and corbels, although certain tasks, such as the painting of the heraldry pertaining to the niches, appear to have been left unfinished. The inscription itself must have been carved in 1435: Elvira had died by then but the inscription does not mention Isabel, who is first named as Fern谩n鈥檚 wife in a legal document of December 1436.[72]听The Salda帽a Retable, in which Salda帽a is accompanied by neither Elvira nor Isabel, is likely to have been produced sometime between the middle of 1433 (after Elvira鈥檚 death) and early 1436.[73]
Additional work must have been carried out between late 1435 and 1445, the year in which Fern谩n and Isabel fled to Aragon with two young children (Pedro V茅lez de Guevara, 1442鈥1477, and Costanza V茅lez de Guevara, c. 1443鈥1505).[74]听This included the arms of Isabel V茅lez de Guevara and other heraldry on the chapel鈥檚 exterior west wall (see Fig. 6.6). The fact that the display sits under a load-bearing arch indicates that the tablet on which it is carved replaced the original one installed in around 1430 when Salda帽a was still married to Elvira de Acevedo.[75]听Isabel鈥檚 arms provide a听terminus post quem听for the display as it appears now of late 1435 or 1436, and 脕lvaro de Luna鈥檚 shield at the centre of the relief provides a听terminus ante quem听of June 1441 (the date of Luna鈥檚 exile).[76]
Work carried out after 1435 would also have included the installation of the central tomb and limestone apostles. The effigies may have been commissioned soon after Salda帽a鈥檚 betrothal to Isabel in 1436, but the production of the seated saints must have come a year or two later given the relationship between the garment worn by听Saint Catherine听and those worn by the effigies representing Elvira and Isabel. It may be that the tomb with the saints around it was installed in 1441, when the couple鈥檚 marriage contract was signed. Even if Salda帽a had intended to commission a central tomb earlier, Elvira鈥檚 sudden death and the pressures of political life in the 1430s may have prevented this. As noted above, the production of the effigies between approximately 1436 and 1438 fits well with the clothes and hairstyles, and that of the seated saints and apostles towards the end of the decade explains the change in style noted by Ara Gil between them and the shield-bearing angels produced eight or nine years earlier.[77]
When the couple fled, they would thus have left behind their finished tomb, the apostles, and the altarpiece (commissioned, as noted above, before 1435), but the four niches appear to have been left empty. We can infer this from Pedro V茅lez de Guevara鈥檚 wish to be buried there with his own alabaster effigy, and from a similar request in 1496 by Salda帽a鈥檚 son by Elvira de Acevedo, Ferrando L贸pez de Salda帽a. Why, then, were none of the children commemorated in the chapel?[78]听The answer may relate to the confusion which reigned for several years after Salda帽a鈥檚 exile over who had the right to be buried in the chapel, as well as to continuing political upheaval. Garc铆a de Salazar鈥檚 account states that Salda帽a lost all his assets upon fleeing Castile.[79]听Ceballos-Escalera y Gila provides a breath-taking summary of these assets as well as an account of their expropriation.[80]听Ferrando, who had remained in Castile, had a long-running dispute with the monarchy over his father鈥檚 estates, although it is not clear whether Salda帽a鈥檚 rights in the chapel at Tordesillas were part of this.[81]听In 1455, just before Salda帽a died, these rights were confirmed in a royal charter, probably as a result of an extraordinary 鈥榙eal鈥: shortly after the beheading of 脕lvaro de Luna in 1454, Salda帽a sent word from Aragon to John II asking for pardon and the return of his position and assets in return for revealing where Luna had hidden some of the treasure he had accumulated in office, said to be worth more than 800,000 gold听doblas.[82]听Castile鈥檚 political situation continued to be difficult after Salda帽a鈥檚 death and things only began to settle down in 1474, when Isabella of Castile ascended to the throne.
Whether or not Pedro was interred in the crypt in 1477, the arms that appear on the surviving entrance to the monastery church appear to be his (Fig. 6.14).[83]听This entrance may have also been commissioned after Salda帽a fled to Aragon. Although it repeats some elements of the interior portals, its decorative scheme is simpler, not unlike the portals Juan Guas produced for 脕vila Cathedral in the 1460s. By this time Pedro was听maestresala听to Enrique IV.[84]听听
In conclusion, the revisions proposed here provide possible answers to questions relating to the physical evidence remaining inside the Salda帽a Chapel. They make sense, for example, of the seated saints and unfinished appearance of the tomb niches. But they also help us to understand the chapel鈥檚 design more clearly as an expression of Fern谩n L贸pez de Salda帽a鈥檚 dynastic ambitions, and as part his efforts to ensure that he stood out in relation to his peers. By highlighting not only those features in the existing ensemble that were modelled on Valois commissions but those which no longer survive, the revisions allow us to consider this听converso听patron鈥檚 use of imitation and innovation as part of a strategy to fashion himself as a new kind of noble serving the emerging Castilian state
Citations
[1]This essay is based on a chapter from Nicola Jennings, 鈥楾he Chapel of Contador Salda帽a at Santa Clara de Tordesillas: New Proposals about its Original Appearance and Role in the Fashioning of Identity by an Early Fifteenth-Century听颁辞苍惫别谤蝉辞鈥, unpublished doctoral thesis, 91自拍 Institute of Art, 2015. My thanks go to a number of friends and colleagues for their guidance and support, in particular my supervisor, Susie Nash, and to Rose Walker, Tom Nickson, Phillip Lindley, Kim Woods, Javier Mart铆nez de Aguirre, Diana Olivares, Carmen Garc铆a Fr铆as, Mar铆a Jes煤s Herrero, and 脕ngel Balao. I also thank the reviewers of this essay for their very constructive comments.
[2]Since Manuel G贸mez-Moreno鈥檚 article, 鈥楯oosk茅n de Utrecht, arquitecto y escultor?鈥,听Bolet铆n de la Sociedad castellana de excursiones听(1911): pp. 63-66, many articles have appeared on the chapel. For a comprehensive bibliography, see e.g., Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz, 鈥楿na montea g贸tica en la capilla Salda帽a de Santa Clara de Tordesillas鈥, in S. Huerta & F. L贸pez Ulloa (eds.),听Actas del octavo congreso nacional de historia de la construcci贸n听(Madrid: Instituto Juan de Herrera, 2013), 1: p. 35.
[3]Clementina Julia Ara Gil,听Escultura g贸tica en Valladolid y su provincia听(Valladolid: Instituci贸n Cultural Simancas, 1977), p. 194. On the conservative nature of Castilian architecture in the first few decades of the fifteenth century, see Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz and Mart铆nez de Aguirre, 鈥楢rquitectura en la Corona de Castilla鈥,听Artigrama听26 (2011): pp. 103-147.
[4]Salda帽a鈥檚 Jewish background is mentioned, for example, by L. Garc铆a de Salazar in听Las bienandanzas e fortunas: C贸dice del siglo XV. Libro XX听(Bilbao: A. Rodr铆guez Herrero, 1955), p. 58. Several historians have discussed the close relationship between Luna and 迟丑别听conversos. See, for example, F. M谩rquez Villanueva, 鈥楥onversos y cargos concejiles en el siglo XV鈥,听Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas y Museos听63: 2 (1957): p. 510.
[5]See Alfonso de Ceballos-Escalera y Gila, 鈥楪eneraci贸n y semblanza de Fern谩n L贸pez de Salda帽a鈥,听Medievalismo听21 (2011): pp. 170n25 (citing, legajo 34.318, Archivo Hist贸rico Nacional, Consejos Suprimidos) and 174. He was one of three treasurers responsible for all the Crown finances.
[6]Ceballos-Escalera y Gila, 鈥楪eneraci贸n y semblanza鈥, pp. 180 and 183.
[7]Cayetano Rosell (ed.),听Cr贸nicas de los reyes de Castilla: Desde don Alfonso el Sabio hasta los cat贸licos don Fernando y do帽a Isabel听(Madrid: M. Rivadeneyra, 1877), pp. 628-29.
[8]Fern谩n P茅rez de Guzm谩n,听Generaciones y semblanzas,听ed. Robert Brian Tate (London: Tamesis Books, 1965), 2: p. 112.
[9]There is a great deal of literature on funerary chapels in fifteenth-century Castile. See, for example, E. Paulino Montero, 鈥楶atrocinio religioso, patrocinio art铆stico e identidad familiar a finales de la Edad Media. El caso de los Fern谩ndez de Velasco鈥,听eHumanista, 24 (2013): pp. 411-432; Isidro Bango Torviso, 鈥楨l espacio para enterramientos privilegiados en la arquitectura medieval espa帽ola鈥,听Anuario del Departamento de historia y teor铆a del arte听4 (1992): pp. 93-132; and Joaqu铆n Yarza Luaces, 鈥楲a capilla funeraria hispana鈥, in Manuel N煤帽ez and Eugenio Portela (eds.),听La Idea y el sentimiento de la muerte en la historia y en el arte de la Edad Media: Ciclo de conferencias celebrado del 1 al 5 de diciembre de 1986听(Santiago de Compostela: Servicio de publicaci贸nes e intercambio cient铆fico de la Universidade de Santiago de Compostela, 1988), pp. 67-91.
[10]鈥榁na capilla de piedra e obra muy polida e costosa鈥, Caja 2, Expt. 22, Archivo Santa Clara de Tordesillas (henceforth abbreviated to ASCT).
[11]See, for example, Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz, 鈥楲a Nobleza en la ciudad: arquitectura y magnificencia a finales de la Edad Media鈥,听Historia Moderna听24 (2012), pp. 213-49; Richard Goldthwaite, 鈥楾he Empire of Things: Consumer Demand in Renaissance Italy鈥, in Francis Kent, John Eade and Patricia Simons (eds.),听Patronage, Art, and Society in Renaissance Italy听(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), p. 166.
[12]Jeremy Lawrance, 鈥楢lfonso de Cartagena y los conversos鈥, in Ralph J. Penny and Alan Deyermond (eds.),听Actas del primer congreso anglo-hispano听(Madrid: Editorial Castalia, 1993), 2: p. 109.
[13]For a more extended discussion of Salda帽a鈥檚 self-fashioning as a听converso听homo novus听serving the emerging Castilian state, see Nicola Jennings, 鈥楾he Chapel of Contador Salda帽a at Santa Clara de Tordesillas and the Fashioning of a Noble Identity by an Early Fifteenth-Century听Converso鈥,听Hispanic Research Journal听17 (2016): pp. 1-17.
[14]Examples of Mud茅jar chapels built in the first half of the fifteenth century include the capilla del Crucifijo at the monastery of Olmedo commissioned by don Velasco Fern谩ndez circa 1411, the chapel of the Villag贸mez in Santa Mar铆a de Arbas in Mayora built in 1422, the chapel of Diego G贸mez de Sandoval, c. 1420, in the Franciscan convent of Sahag煤n, and the chapel of the Riberas at Santa Mar铆a de las Cuevas in Seville, dated 1411. See M. Vald茅s Fern谩ndez, 鈥楶atronazgo se帽orial y arte mud茅jar en el Reino de Castilla鈥, in J. Yarza Luaces and M. Melero Moneo (eds.),听Im谩genes y promotores en el arte medieval听(Bellaterra: Universitat Aut貌noma de Barcelona, 2001); Mar铆a del Carmen Lacarra Ducay,听Arte mud茅jar en听Arag贸n, Le贸n, Castilla, Extremadura y Andalucia听(Zaragoza: Instituci贸n Fernando el Cat贸lico, Excma. Diputaci贸n de Zaragoza, 2006).
[15]The iconography of supporting angels was developed in France in the late fourteenth century by the Valois monarchy, and in the 1390s Charles VI adopted an image of a heraldic angel as his counterseal. See E. Taburet-Delahaye (ed.),听Paris, 1400: Les arts sous Charles VI; Exposition pr茅sent茅e 脿 Paris, Mus茅e du Louvre, 22 mars-12 juillet 2004听(Paris: Fayard, 2004), p. 31.
[16]C. Gonz谩lez Palencia, 鈥楲a capilla de Don Alvaro de Luna en la Catedral de Toledo鈥,听Archivo Espa帽ol de Arte y Arqueolog铆a听5: 13 (1929), pp. 109-122.
[17]On Mart铆nez鈥檚 involvement, see e.g., Jos茅 Mar铆a Azc谩rate, 鈥楨l Maestro Hanequ铆n de Bruselas鈥,听Archivo Espa帽ol de Arte听21: 83 (1948), p. 177.听 On Jalopa, see Amalia Mar铆a Yuste Gal谩n, 鈥楲a Introducci贸n del Arte Flam铆gero en Castilla: Pedro Jalopa, Maestro de los Luna,鈥澨Archivo Espa帽ol de Arte听77: 307 (2004), pp. 291-300; Victor Daniel L贸pez Llorente, 鈥樷淟as M谩s Suntuosa Capilla de Espa帽a鈥. Poder y Magnificencia en la Arquitectura de la Capilla de 脕lvaro de Luna鈥, in Matilde Miquel Juan, Olga P茅rez Monz贸n and Mar铆a Mart铆nez Gil (eds.),听Ret贸rica art铆stica en el tardog贸tico castellano. La capilla f煤nebre de 脕lvaro de Luna en contexto听(Madrid: Silex, 2018), pp. 335-351.
[18]Javier Ib谩帽ez Fern谩ndez, 鈥楥on el correr del sol: Isambart, Pedro Jalopa y la renovaci贸n del g贸tico final en la pen铆nsula ib茅rica durante la primera mitad del siglo XV鈥,听Biblioteca: Estudio e investigaci贸n听26 (2011): p. 206.
[19]The epitaph, which is no longer visible, read: 鈥楢qu铆 yace maestre guillem de roam, maestro de la iglesia de leon, y aparejador de esta capilla, que dios perdone, et fin贸 谩 vii. de deciembre a帽o de mil, et cccc et xxx et un a帽os鈥. Antonio Ponz,听Viage de Espa帽a: En que se da noticia de las cosas mas apreciables, y dignas de saberse, que hay en ella, 2nd ed. (Madrid: Por don Joachin Ibarra, 1776-1788), p. 138. It was mentioned by several nineteenth-century visitors, including Richard Ford,听A Handbook for Travellers in Spain听(London: John Murray, 1847), p. 620. It is not known when or how the epitaph disappeared, but it was clearly still there when G贸mez-Moreno visited the chapel c. 1911.
[20]See for example Juan Carlos Ruiz Souza and Antonio Garc铆a Flores, 鈥榊sambart y la renovaci贸n del g贸tico final en Castilla: Palencia, La capilla del contador Salda帽a en Tordesillas y Sevilla. Hip贸tesis para debate鈥,听Anales de Historia del Arte听19 (2009): pp. 43-76; Ib谩帽ez Fern谩ndez, 鈥楥on el correr del sol鈥, pp. 205, 220-26; Alonso Ruiz, Mart铆nez de Aguirre, 鈥楢rquitectura en la Corona de Castilla鈥, p. 125; Fernando Villase帽or Sebasti谩n, 鈥楴uevas aportaciones a la historia constructiva de la capilla del contador Salda帽a (Real Monasterio de Santa Clara de Tordesillas) (c. 1430-1435) y su importancia en la renovaci贸n del g贸tico castellano鈥, in Santiago Huerta and Fabi谩n L贸pez Ulloa (eds.),听Actas del octavo congreso nacional de historia de la construcci贸n, Madrid, 9-12 October, 2013听(Madrid: Instituto Juan de Herrera, 2013), 2: pp. 1037-46.
[21]See, for example,, Javier Mart铆nez de Aguirre, 鈥楨l siglo XV en las catedrales de Pamplona y Palencia鈥, in Alfonso Jim茅nez Mart铆n (ed.),听La Piedra postrera. Simposium internacional sobre la catedral de Sevilla en el contexto del g贸tico final听(Seville: Cabildo Metropolitano de Sevilla, 2007), 2: pp. 115-48; Javier Ib谩帽ez Fern谩ndez and Jes煤s Criado Mainar, 鈥楨l maestro Isambart en Arag贸n: La capilla de los Corporales de Daroca y sus intervenciones en la catedral de la Seo de Zaragoza鈥, in听La piedra postrera,听1: pp. 75-113; Ruiz Souza and Garc铆a Flores, 鈥榊sambart y la renovaci贸n del g贸tico final en Castilla鈥, pp. 43-76; Alonso Ruiz, Mart铆nez de Aguirre, 鈥楢rquitectura en la Corona de Castilla鈥, pp. 125-47; Ib谩帽ez Fern谩ndez, 鈥楥on el correr del sol鈥, pp. 220-226.
[22]Alonso Ruiz, 鈥楿na montea g贸tica鈥, p. 40.
[23]Ara Gil,听Escultura g贸tica en Valladolid, p. 203.
[24]Caja 2, Expt. 22, ASCT. On the suggestion that Elvira de Portocarrero is buried in the chapel, see Gonz谩lez Hern谩ndez, 鈥楿n enterramiento en la capilla de Salda帽a en el monasterio de Santa Clara de Tordesillas鈥,听Bolet铆n del Seminario de Estudios de Arte y Arqueolog铆a,听58 (1992):听pp.听301-12. It has also been ventured the Infanta Beatriz of Portugal may have been buried there. See Magdalena Santo Tom谩s P茅rez, 鈥楤eatriz de Portugal y el hospital Mater Dei de Tordesillas鈥, in听Mar铆a Isabel del Val Valdivieso听and听Pascual Mart铆nez Sopena听(eds.),听Castilla y el mundo feudal: homenaje al profesor Julio Valde贸n听(Valladolid: University of Valladolid, 2009), pp. 5-6.
[25]Clementina Julia Ara Gil proposes a more convincing interpretation of the armorial depiction, relating it to Salda帽a鈥檚 description in 迟丑别听Cr贸nica de 脕lvaro de Luna听(started while its subject was still alive and finished soon after his death) as the condestable鈥檚 鈥榗riado y fechura鈥,听his 鈥榙ependent and his product鈥. See Ara Gil,听Escultura G贸tica, pp. 195.
[26]The reason for the shift appears to have been a change in floor levels due to constant flooding of the terrace just beneath the church and chapel: Juan Carlos Ruiz Souza, 鈥楲a iglesia de Santa Clara de Tordesillas. Nuevas consideraciones para su estudio鈥,听Reales Sitios听140 (1999): pp. 9-10.
[27]See, for example, Ara Gil,听Escultura G贸tica, pp. 201-202; Javier Cast谩n Lanaspa,听Arquitectura g贸tica religiosa en Valladolid y su provincia (siglos XIII 鈥 XVI)听(Valladolid: Diputaci贸n de Valladolid, 1998), p. 565; Villase帽or Sebasti谩n, 鈥楴uevas aportaciones鈥, p. 1039.
[28]For the marriage, see M-71, fols. 193v-197, Colecci贸n Salazar y Castro, Real Academia de Historia (henceforth abbreviated to CSyC RAH). The marriage contract was not, however, signed until 1441: Ceballos-Escalera y Gila, 鈥楪eneraci贸n y semblanza鈥, p. 179.
[29]See 脕ngela Franco Mata, 鈥業conograf铆a funeraria g贸tica en Castilla y Le贸n (siglos XIII y XIV)鈥,听De arte听2 (2003): pp. 67-69. The Salda帽a Chapel niches can be compared, for example, to those in 脕lvaro de Luna鈥檚 chapel of Santiago in Toledo cathedral, built in the same period, where all the effigies lie on raised beds.
[30]The author is grateful to the Patrimonio Nacional for providing these measurements. The male alabaster鈥檚 legs have been broken off, but, based on the size of the upper body and its height and width, it must have been of similar length to the female effigies.
[31]Ara Gil,听Escultura g贸tica, p. 202. On the importance of 鈥榤easurements and proportions 鈥 satisfying to the eye鈥 and relating to the belief that God had created man in his own image, see N. Saul, 鈥楶atronage and Design in the Construction of English Medieval Tomb Monuments鈥, in Paul Binski & Elizabeth A. New (eds.),听Patrons and Professionals in the Middle Ages: Proceedings of the 2010 Harlaxton Symposium听(Donington: Shaun Tyas/Paul Watkins, 2012), pp. 322-24.
[32]C. Bernis Madrazo,听Indumentaria medieval espa帽ola听(Madrid: Instituto Diego Vel谩zquez, 1956), pp. 49-50. For Burgundian fashion in this period, see for example Fran莽ois Boucher,听A History of Costume in the West听(London: Thames and Hudson, 1987), pp. 206-8.
[33]C. Bernis Madrazo, 1956, pp. 44-45. Belts had been worn lower down from 1420-1435.
[34]The inscription reads, 鈥榌Esta obra mando fazer] Fernand lopez : de : Salda帽a : contador : mayor: del virtuoso : rey : don : 听john et : su : camarero : et su chanceller e del su conseio et : fue : et : es : comencada en el : a帽o : del : nascimiento : del : nro : salvador : jhu xpo : de mill : et : quatrocientos : et : treynta : a帽os : et acabose : en el : ano : del : nascimiento : del : nro : salvador: 听jhu xpo : de mill : et : quatrocientos : et : tre: ynta et : cinco a帽os : a : honor et : reverencia : de : nra : se帽ora : a quien: 听el : siempre: 听tovo et tiene por protetora : et : abogada : en todos sus : fechos : et esta : aqui esta enterada Elvira: de : Azevedo: su muger que /Dios perdone la qual fino en Toledo viespera : de : Pascua : mayor : que : fue a honze dias de abril del ano de mil et quatrocientos et treinta : et tres : anos. Gloria in excelsis Deo et in tera pax hominibus bone voluptatis, laudamus te, benedicimus te, adoramos te, glorifi鈥.听 Francisco Molina de la Torre,听Valladolid (siglos X-XV), Corpus Inscriptionum Hispaniae Mediaevalium听3 (Le贸n: Universidad de Le贸n, 2017), pp. 180-81.
[35]Caja 22/1, ASCT. Salda帽a鈥檚 death in Aragon is recorded in 迟丑别听Cronic贸n de Valladolid: 1333-1539. See Pedro S谩inz de Baranda (ed.),听Cronic贸n de Valladolid听(Madrid: Viuda de Calero 1848), 13: pp. 26-27. His burial at San Francisco is recorded on a family tree compiled by J. Pellicer de Osau. See 26.385, D 31, fol. 22v, CSyC RAH.
[36]This crypt contains the remains of five unidentified bodies. This information appears in Patrimonio Nacional, 鈥楢cta de Investigaci贸n, 29 enero 1991鈥, unpublished.
[37]Although this seems to be the accepted view, 脕ngel Gonz谩lez Hern谩ndez believes this is 脕lvaro de Luna鈥檚 wife Elvira de Portocarrero. However, even if a letter of 8 March 1433 (Caja 4916, Expt. 12, ASCT) confirms that his wife was buried in the monastery, it would be extraordinary for her to be buried in the Salda帽a Chapel, and there is no mention of this in Salda帽a鈥檚 contract with the monastery of 1432. Gonz谩lez Hern谩ndez bases his hypothesis on the presence of Luna鈥檚 shield on the stone relief on the chapel鈥檚 exterior walls (see Fig. 5). But as Ara Gil has stated, the way that this is depicted, with Salda帽a鈥檚 shield hanging off it, clearly indicates Salda帽a鈥檚 status as Luna鈥檚 鈥榗riado e fechura suya鈥 (as he is described in 迟丑别听Cr贸nica del halconero de Juan II) rather than Portocarrero鈥檚 burial in the chapel. See Ara Gil,听Escultura g贸tica, p. 195. If Elvira were buried there, her own arms rather than her husband鈥檚 would be displayed both outside and inside the chapel, and this is not the case.
[38]Valent铆n Carderera y Solano,听Iconograf铆a espa帽ola: Colecci贸n de retratos, estatuas, mausoleos y dem谩s monumentos in茅ditos de reyes, reinas, grandes capitanes, escritores, etc. desde el siglo XI hasta el XVII听(Madrid: Impr. de R. Campuzano, 1855-64), plate 25.
[39]Jos茅 Mar铆a Quadrado,听Valladolid, Palencia y Zamora.听听Recuerdos y bellezas de Espa帽a听(Madrid: Imprenta de L贸pez, 1865), 10: p. 242.
[40]On the dating of the retable, see Francisco Javier S谩nchez Cant贸n, 鈥楳aestre Nicol谩s Franc茅s, pintor鈥,听Archivo espa帽ol de arte y arqueolog铆a听1 (1925): pp. 16-17; S谩nchez Cant贸n,听Maestre Nicol谩s Franc茅s听(Madrid: CSIC, 1964), pp. 20-21.
[41]The male alabaster effigy has been linked to Pedro V茅lez de Guevara on the basis that Pedro鈥檚 will of 1477 stated that he wished to be buried in his father鈥檚 chapel with an alabaster effigy: Paulina Junquera de Vega, 鈥楲a pintura en el monasterio de Santa Clara鈥,听Reales Sitios听14 (1967): p. 43. However, as Ara Gil points out, the figure鈥檚 pudding-bowl haircut was out of fashion by 1450. See Ara Gil, Escultura g贸tica, p. 201. This is confirmed by pictures of Castilian courtiers from the 1470s published in Bernis Madrazo,听Indumentaria medieval,听Figs. 159-162.
[42]The 1435 will of Aldonza de Mendoza, for example, specifies a tomb which is 鈥榙e alabastro convenyble a my persona鈥: Francisco Layna y Serrano,听Historia de Guadalajara y sus Mendozas听(Madrid: Aldus, 1942), p. 310.
[43]Clara Fern谩ndez Ladreda-Aguad茅, 鈥楨scultura: Jehan Lom茅 y los talleres coetaneos鈥, in C. Fern谩ndez-Ladrade (ed.),听El arte g贸tico en Navarra听(Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, 2015), p. 540. This relationship was first highlighted in Ara Gil,听Escultura g贸tica, p. 205. On the Sagrados Corporales, see Javier Ib谩帽ez Fern谩ndez and Jes煤s Criado Mainar, 鈥楨l maestro Isambart en Arag贸n: La capilla de los Corporales de Daroca y sus intervenciones en la catedral de la Seo de Zaragoza鈥, also in Alfonso Jim茅nez Mart铆n,听La piedra postrera, 1: p. 79.
[44]On the innovation represented by the display of heraldry in the spandrels, see Javier Mart铆nez de Aguirre and Faustino Men茅ndez Pidal de Navascu茅s,听Emblemas her谩ldicos en el arte medieval navarro听(Pamplona: Gobierno de Navarra, Departamento de Educaci贸n, Cultura, Deporte y Juventud, 1996), pp. 53-57.
[45]Tombs positioned in this way include those of Pero L贸pez de Ayala and his wife, G贸mez Manrique and his wife, and Aldonza de Mendoza. G贸mez Manrique鈥檚 will, drafted in 1410, states: 鈥榤ando que entierren mi cuerpo en la capilla mayor del monasterio, que yo fago en Santa Mar铆a de Fresdelval e que me entierren en la sepultura de alabastro que ay tengo fecha, delante del altar mayor鈥. See Secci贸n de Clero, Legago 1053, Archivo Hist贸rico Nacional. Aldonza鈥檚 will includes similar instructions: Layna y Serrano,听Historia de Guadalajara, p.听310.
[46]See, for example, Clementina Julia Ara Gil, 鈥楳onjes y frailes en la iconograf铆a de los sepulcros rom谩nicos y g贸ticos鈥, in Jos茅 脕ngel Garc铆a de Cort谩zar (coord.),听Vida y muerte en el monasterio rom谩nico听(Aguilar de Campoo:听Fundaci贸n Santa Mar铆a la Real,听Centro de Estudios del Rom谩nico, 2004), p. 175.
[47]Clementina Julia Ara Gil, 鈥楽epulcros medievales en Medina de Pomar鈥,听Bolet铆n del Seminario de Estudios de Arte y Arqueolog铆a听40-41 (1975): pp. 201-202.
[48]S. Rodr铆guez Guill茅n, 鈥楨l monasterio de Santa Mar铆a la Real de Tordesillas (1363-1509)鈥 (unpublished PhD diss., Alcal谩 de Henares, 2010), p. 266. There are various instances over the centuries of Spanish churches and convents selling property to raise funds as well as rededicating chapels. It was also common practice in Italy. See J. Burke,听Changing Patrons: Social Identity and the Visual Arts in Renaissance Florence听(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2004), p. 123.
[49]Caja 3, Expt. 19, ASCT; S/H 347/25, Archivo General del Palacio, Madrid.
[50]Sophie Jugie, Dossier,听Les Ducs de Bourgogne, 2003, accessed 18 January 2019,听http://www.musees-bourgogne.org/fic_bdd/dossiers_fichier_pdf/dossier_ducs_bourgogne.pdf. Also see the diagram provided by Cyprien Monget,听La Chartreuse de Dijon d鈥檃pr猫s les documents des Archives de Bourgogne听(Montreuil-sur-Mer: Imprimerie Notre-Dame des P猫res, 1898), 1: p. 54. The exact position of the duke鈥檚 tomb will be discussed by Susie Nash in a forthcoming article.
[51]Pero Tafur,听Travels and Adventures, 1435-1439, trans. and ed. Malcolm Henry Ikin Letts (London: G. Routledge, 1926), chapter 23. See Jennings, 鈥楾he Chapel of Contador Salda帽a at Santa Clara de Tordesillas and the Fashioning of a Noble Identity鈥, pp. 4-5.
[52]See Nicola Jennings, 鈥楳ade in Iberia: A New Look at the Retable of Contador Salda帽a in Santa Clara de Tordesillas鈥, in Daan van Heesch, Robrecht Janssen and Jan Van der Stockt (eds.),听Netherlandish Art and Luxury Goods in Renaissance Spain听(London/Turnhout: Harvey Millar, 2018), pp. 27-44.
[53]For the L贸pez de Salda帽a family tree, see Ceballos-Escalera y Gila, 鈥楪eneraci贸n y semblanza鈥, p. 163. Their first-born, Leonor, died circa 1430.
[54]On the burial places of Salda帽a鈥檚 daughters, see Ceballos-Escalera y Gila, 鈥楪eneraci贸n y semblanza鈥, pp. 195-6.
[55]Ceballos-Escalera y Gila, 鈥楪eneraci贸n y semblanza鈥, pp. 195.
[56]Diana Luc铆a G贸mez-Chac贸n, 鈥楻eligiosidad femenina y reforma dominicana: el sepulcro de Beatriz de Portugal en el monasterio del听Sancti Spiritus听de Toro鈥,听Anuario de Estudios Medievales听47:2 (2017): pp. 607-64.
[57]On the tradition of accompanying angels, see for example Franco Mata, 鈥業conograf铆a funeraria g贸tica en Castilla鈥, pp. 71-73. On the innovation represented by the Oteiza tomb and its relationship to sculpture at the charterhouse of Champmol in Dijon, see Fern谩ndez Ladreda-Aguad茅鈥檚 articles 鈥楨scultura: Jehan Lom茅 y los talleres coetaneos鈥, pp. 524-7; 鈥楲a escultura en Navarra en la primera听mitad del siglo XV, Johan Lome y su c铆rculo鈥,听Anales de historia del arte听22 (2012): pp. 7-37; and 鈥楲a escultura en Navarra en tiempos del Compromiso de Caspe鈥,听Artigrama听26 (2011): pp. 203-7. The first to study of Lom茅鈥檚 work in depth was Janke. 听See R. Steven Janke,听Jehan Lome y la escultura g贸tica posterior en Navarra听(Pamplona: Diputaci贸n Foral de Navarra, Instituci贸n Pr铆ncipe de Viana, 1977).
[58]See, for example, Christine de Pizan,听The Treasure of the City of Ladies,听trans. Sarah Lawson (London: Penguin, 2003), p. 146. Pedro Tafur, for example, went to Sinai. The seated saint closely resembles a polychromed Saint Catherine in Le贸n Cathedral: G贸mez Moreno, 鈥楯oosk茅n de Utrecht鈥, p. 65.
[59]For a description of this tomb, see M. J. G贸mez B谩rcena, 鈥楨l sepulcro de G贸mez Manrique y Sancha de Rojas鈥,听Reales Sitios听83 (1985): pp. 29-36.
[60]See, for example, Jeffrey Hamburger, 鈥楾he Visual and the Visionary: The Changing Role of the Image in Late Medieval Monastic Devotions鈥,听Viator听20 (1989): pp. 161-82.
[61]The influence of Pseudo-Bonaventure鈥檚听Meditationes听Vitae Christi听and Ludolph鈥檚听Vita Christi听in Catalonia by the late fourteenth century has been widely published. The arrival of empathic devotional practices in Castile is less well documented, but it is clear from the popularity of, for example, the iconography of the Piet脿 by the early fifteenth century that it was already gaining ground. See, for example, Matilde Miquel, 鈥Pintura, devoci贸n听y piedad en Toledo a principios del siglo XV鈥,听Bolet铆n del Museo de Bellas Artes de Bilbao听7 (2013): pp. 49-87. For a brief summary of the spread of Christocentric devotional practices in Iberia see Justin Kroesen,听Staging the Liturgy: the Medieval Altarpiece in the Iberian Peninsula听(Leuven: Peeters, 2009), pp. 355-361.
[62]Bango Torviso, 鈥楨l espacio para enterramientos privilegiados鈥, p. 118. The choice of three figures positioned in this way rather than four may seem odd, but it is not in itself unique. Jacques Moreau designed a tomb circa 1451 for Ren茅 d鈥橝njou which was to be surrounded by three standing knights and three seated ladies reading their Books of Hours: R. A. Lecoy de la Marche,听Le Roi Ren茅, sa vie, son administration, ses travaux artistiques et litt茅raires, d鈥檃pr猫s les documents in茅dits des archives de France et d鈥橧talie听(Paris: Firmin-Didot fr猫res, fils et cie, 1875), 3: pp. 99-104.
[63]See Alain Erlande-Brandenburg, 鈥楯ean de Cambrai. Sculpteur de Jean de France, duc de Berry鈥, in听Monuments et m茅moires publi茅s par l鈥橝cad茅mie des inscriptions et belles-lettres听63 (1980): pp. 167-86; Susie Nash, 鈥楾he works for Jean de Berry at Bourges and Mehun-sur-Y猫vre鈥, in Susie Nash (ed.),听No Equal in Any Land,听pp. 144-77.
[64]Ara Gil,听Escultura g贸tica, pp. 196-97.
[65]On the Berry figures, see Erlande-Brandenburg, 鈥楯ean de Cambrai鈥, p. 157; on the figures in Halle see J. W. Steyaert et al.,听Late Gothic Sculpture: The Burgundian Netherlands听(Ghent; New York: Harry N. Abrahams, 1994), p. 68; on those depicted by van der Weyden, see Susie Nash,听Northern Renaissance Art听(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), p. 243.
[66]M. Grandmontagne, 鈥樷滷assungslose Figuren鈥. Materialkonzepte zweier spanischer Grablegen im Spiegel von Claus Sluters Werken f眉r die Kartause von Champmol鈥, in B. Borng盲sser Klein, H. Karge & B. Klein (eds.),听Grabkunst und Sepulkralkultur in Spanien und Portugal.听Arte funerario y cultura sepulcral en Espa帽a y Portugal听(Frankfurt am Main; Madrid: Vervuert, Iberoamericana, 2006), p. 95n13.
[67]The Castilian convention of decorating tomb chests with narrative imagery, saints, weepers, and heraldry is demonstrated, for example, in Mar铆a Jes煤s G贸mez B谩rcena,听Escultura g贸tica funeraria en Burgos听(Burgos: Diputac铆on Provincial de Burgos, 1988).
[68]See, e.g., K. Woods, 鈥楾he Master of Rimini and the Tradition of Alabaster Carving in the Early Fifteenth-Century Netherlands鈥, in A. S. Lehmann, F. Scholten and P. Chapman (eds.),听Meaning in Materials: Netherlandish Art, 1400-1800听(Leiden: Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek, 2012), p. 62.
[69]S. Nash, 鈥樷漈he Lord鈥檚 Crucifix of Costly Workmanship鈥: Colour, Collaboration and the Making of Meaning on the Well of Moses鈥, in V. Brinkmann, O. Primavesi, & M. Hollein (eds.),听Circumlitio: The Polychromy of Antique and Medieval Sculpture听(Munich: Hirmer, 2010), pp. 356-381.
[70]See, e.g., Molina de la Torre,听Valladolid, pp. 40-41. The ongoing debate over the quatrain on the Ghent Altarpiece illustrates the difficulties inherent in evaluating medieval inscriptions.
[71]Caja 7, Expt. 13, ASCT, and Caja 2, Expt. 22, ASCT. Villase帽or claims that construction must have been ended by 1431 on the basis the bull, but it seems more likely that of the bull was obtained in advance of the chapel鈥檚 completion. See Villase帽or Sebasti谩n, 鈥楴uevas aportaciones鈥, p. 1039.
[72]See above and note 28.
[73]Nicol谩s Franc茅s, to whom the Salda帽a Retable is attributed, is documented as having completed the huge听retablo听mayor听of Le贸n Cathedral by 1434, making another commission in the run up to its completion unlikely. See S谩nchez Cant贸n,听Nicol谩s Franc茅s, p. 9.
[74]These children were Pedro V茅lez de Guevara, circa 1442-1477; and Constanza V茅lez de Guevara, circa 1443- 1505.
[75]My thanks to Javier Mart铆nez de Aguirre and Tom Nickson, whose explanations about the construction process and possible revisions to it have been extremely helpful.
[76]The shields are unlikely to have been commissioned after Luna鈥檚 return to court in 1443 as by then Salda帽a had gone over to the rebels.
[77]Clementina Julia Ara Gil, 鈥楨l siglo XV. Influencia europea y singularidad castellana鈥, in A. Garc铆a Sim贸n (ed.),听Historia de una cultura: Castilla y Le贸n en la historia de Espa帽a听(Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y Le贸n, 1995-1996), p. 115.
[78]It may be that Pedro鈥檚 and/or Ferrando鈥檚 bones were interred in the crypt where at least five skulls have been found. Only the arms of Fern谩n L贸pez de Salda帽a and his two wives appear on the stairs leading down to the crypt.
[79]Garc铆a de Salazar,听Las bienandanzas e fortunas,听p. 58.
[80]Ceballos-Escalera y Gila, 鈥楪eneraci贸n y semblanza鈥, pp. 181-83 and 188-90, notes 101-9.
[81]This is documented in F-6, fols. 1-42v, CSyC RAH; M-71, fols. 214-218, CSyC RAH; and M-108, fol. 14, CSyC RAH.
[82]Gonzalo de la Hinojosa,听Continuaci贸n de la cr贸nica de Espa帽a, ed. Feliciano Ram铆rez de Arellano (Vaduz: Kraus Reprint, 1966), p. 137. A Castilian dobla was worth 200 maravedis, and it was clearly considered at the time to be an extraordinary sum.
[83]The right spandrel displays the arms of the V茅lez de Guevara and Ayala families impaled dexter with the castle and lion of the monarchy. As this quartering is not found elsewhere in relation to Isabel V茅lez de Guevara, these arms are likely to belong to Pedro, perhaps granted to him on account of the military service which led to his premature death in 1477. On this type of concession, see A. Garc铆a Carraffa,听Enciclopedia her谩ldica y geneal贸gica hispano-americana听(Madrid, 1919), 9: p. 204. These arms to do not appear on the steps leading down to the crypt.
[84]Ceballos-Escalera y Gila, 鈥楪eneraci贸n y semblanza鈥, p. 196.
DOI: 听10.33999/2019.50