In the second half of the fourteenth century, the great building lodges of the Holy Roman Empire and Central Europe revitalised the Gothic architectural idiom that had been developed in twelfth- and thirteenth-century France, enriching its formal repertoire and seeking greater spatial integration. In this essay I will focus on a similar process in the Iberian Peninsula, most notably the rejection of the basilica plan in which a high central vessel was flanked by lower aisles. I will consider the earliest Castilian examples of hall churches or听Hallenkirchen听in the fifteenth century, their possible German origins, and the evolution and development of this typology in Iberia in the centuries that followed. I will also explore the economic advantages of hall churches and processes of copying and emulation in parish churches.
The German Model and Historiography
The Hallenkirchen, built in Germany from the middle of the fourteenth century, not only dispensed with the traditional staggered heights of the nave and aisles associated with the basilical plan and听ad triangulum听sections of French High Gothic churches, but also pulled together the nave and aisles into one integrated spatial unit. Projecting transepts and ambulatories with radiating chapels were also abandoned, so that plan, elevation, and section were all designed听ad quadratum. As the nave and aisles were of equal height, windows could be placed only in the aisles and, in some cases, at the west end and in the eastern apse. The result was more even lighting, but less of it. Externally, the architects of these churches emphasised their volumes and flat surfaces by dispensing with the staggered massing, protruding forms and rich ornamentation associated with Gothic churches in thirteenth-century France.
Some of these characteristics appeared already at the church of Saint Elizabeth in Marburg (after 1235), Minden Cathedral (1267鈥1290), the Dominican church in Colmar (1283 until the second quarter of the fourteenth century), Heinrich Parler鈥檚 church for Schw盲bisch-Gm眉nd, and in the work of his son, Peter, at Prague Cathedral. In the fifteenth century this typology was further developed in the apse of the Franciscan church in Salzburg (begun in 1406), the church of Saint Lawrence in Nuremberg (1439鈥1477), and in Saint Georg in Dinkelsb眉hl in Swabia (1448鈥1499), and was employed with particular brilliance by Benedikt Ried (1451鈥1534), especially in his designs for the church of Saint Barbara in Kutna Hor谩, now in the Czech Republic. It is surely significant that the German church in Rome, Santa Maria dell鈥橝nima, was begun in approximately 1431 with a plan that follows the hall church, even if it was built with a largely classical architectural vocabulary (Fig. 10.1). The same plan was chosen for another church in Rome, Santa Maria della Piet脿, begun in 1501 in the German Cemetery.[1]
These innovations were clear to travellers to Germany in this period. Several of those who attended the Council of Basel (1431鈥35), for example, commissioned new works on their return that were clearly inspired by the buildings they had seen. The clearest example of this is Aeneas Sylvius Piccolomini, later Pope Pius II (r. 1458鈥64), who commissioned the architect Bernardo Rosellino to build a cathedral in Pienza (Italy) similar鈥攁s he wrote in his correspondence鈥攖o those 鈥榖eautiful and luminous鈥 churches he had seen in southern Germany.[2]听Construction of the Castilian church in Rome, Santiago de los Espa帽oles, built between 1450 and 1458 and the first hall church linked to Castile, was also connected to Rosellino and to Pius II (Fig. 10.2).[3]听Alonso de Cartagena, who was appointed bishop of Burgos in 1435, was present at the Council of Basel from 1434 onwards. His trip to northern Europe has long been associated with the arrival in Burgos of Juan de Colonia, who was entrusted with the completion of the cathedral鈥檚 western spires, supposedly inspired by north tower of Basel Cathedral, amongst others.[4]
From the work at Pienza and Burgos it seems that high spires and hall structures were considered the most interesting new elements of Gothic architecture in Central Europe. The new type of decoration associated with these structures鈥攓uite distinct from French Gothic traditions鈥攑resumably moved the second Count of Tendilla, 脥帽igo L贸pez de Mendoza, when in October 1505 he wrote to the master mason of Seville Cathedral, Alonso Rodr铆guez, to request that the decoration of the tomb of Cardinal Diego Hurtado de Mendoza (脥帽igo鈥檚 brother) in this cathedral should 鈥榤ix nothing French, German or Moorish, but should be only Roman鈥.[5]
It was the German scholar Georg Weise (1888鈥1978) who, in three seminal publications, first systematically investigated hall churches in Spain.[6]听His work was fundamental in underlining the tremendous vitality of this type in the peninsula, and belongs to a historiographical tradition that interpreted Hallenkirchen as a 鈥榮ymbol of German identity鈥.[7]听The idea was Romantic in origin, and can be traced back to Wilhelm L眉bke鈥檚听Die mittelalterliche Kunst in Westfalen听(1853), in which the term Hallenkirchen was first coined. L眉bke鈥檚 ideas were subsequently developed by scholars from the Vienna School in the context of their praise for the final phases of styles, such that the spatial integrity of hall churches came to be understood as a northern parallel to developments in Italian Renaissance architecture of the same period.[8]
Kurt Gerstenberg and Georg Dehio further consolidated the argument that Hallenkirchen represented an expression of the national German spirit, and it was Gerstenberg鈥檚 notion of a 鈥榮pecial Gothic鈥, the 鈥榙eutsche Sondergotik鈥, that especially inspired Weise.[9]听For Gerstenberg, and consequently for Weise, German Gothic was special because the Hallenkirchen epitomised the idea of unified space, as opposed to the hierarchical spaces of so-called 鈥榗lassic鈥 French Gothic churches and the basilical plan. According to this model, space flowed uniformly through the church, with all vaults at the same height rather than separated by transverse or longitudinal arches, and with no hierarchy in the organisation of supports. Churches with these characteristics could be found across Germany and beyond. This typology was seen as an expression of Germanic spatial perception and became an epitome of national Germanic identity, an 鈥榠ndigenous stylistic development鈥 that could even be traced back to German Romanesque churches.[10]听For French scholars, by contrast, this type of church was nothing more than a modified basilica, a 鈥榥ave without windows鈥, and thus derived from French rather than German roots.[11]
Weise鈥檚 understanding of Late Gothic architecture in Spain鈥攁nd its connections to Germany鈥攚as premised on the idea that neither Spain nor Germany had created their own architectural styles (unlike France or Italy), but had instead assimilated and transformed styles that originated elsewhere. But at the end of the Gothic period, according to Weise, Spain and Germany reinvented Gothic architecture to create their own variant of Gothic. Weise was in fact the first scholar to use the term 鈥楲ate Gothic鈥 to describe late medieval architecture in Spain.[12]
Professor of the History of Medieval and Modern Art at the University of T眉bingen, Weise was in 1933 accused by the National Socialist authorities of rejecting Germanic art, and instead favouring art from elsewhere. These accusations were based on Weise鈥檚 frequent trips to Spain, at a time when he was chiefly interested in sculpture. Thereafter Weise cancelled his trips to Spain, and only returned in the 1950s, when, as Claudia Ruckert has suggested, Spain鈥檚 new political situation attracted a revival of interest from German scholars.[13]听As Ruckert has argued, this political context strongly inflected Weise鈥檚 scholarship (Fig. 10.3). He began by cataloguing different types of hall church, tracing their evolution and distribution across Spain. By his account, cathedrals and monastic churches were almost never built as hall churches, but the type flourished in parish churches. Most importantly, he distinguished between churches with plain piers and no impost, characteristic of churches before the sixteenth century, and churches with moulded cylindrical supports, constructed in the first half of the sixteenth century. Weise鈥檚 claims of German influence found support in Vicente Lamp茅rez y Romea鈥檚 seminal听Historia de la arquitectura cristiana espa帽ola en la Edad Media seg煤n el estudio de los elementos y los monumentos听(1908), in which the Spanish scholar and architect had already connected Late Gothic architecture in Spain to the migration of German and Burgundian artists to Castile.[14]听Supported by such distinguished scholars from Spain and Germany, the hypothesis that German architects had brought the German Hallenkirchen to Castile soon became fact.
This is not the place to create an alternative historiographic invention, this time powered by Spanish nationalism.[15]听But it is important to understand that studies of hall churches have developed considerably since the 1980s, complementing and nuancing Weise鈥檚 pioneering studies. On one hand, Spanish scholars have uncovered documentary evidence that now makes it possible to date quite precisely certain buildings that were hitherto only very loosely dated.[16]听And on the other hand, the possible means of transmission of hall church designs to Castile has been much more closely analysed. Two divergent models have been used to understand transmission. One connects transmission to the migration of foreign masons to Castile, and thus underlines the German origins of hall churches.[17]听The other emphasises a long Spanish tradition of spatial unification in church architecture, from which hall church designs may have emerged.[18]听This second line of explanation, which in many cases also acknowledges the first, underlines the widespread trend in the fifteenth century to raise the aisles to the same height as the nave, as had happened earlier in Santa Ana in Triana (Seville), Santa Cruz in Medina de Pomar (Burgos) and in Catalan Gothic churches, such as in the aisles of Barcelona Cathedral.
Much more is known now than in Weise鈥檚 day. He measured and photographed 150 Spanish hall churches. Today, more than three hundred pre-1700 hall churches have been recorded, scattered across Spain, except in Galicia, Catalonia, Balearics and Valencia, and with scant presence in territories such as Asturias, Navarre and Extremadura. Two areas boast more hall churches than any other: the ecclesiastical provinces of Toledo and Burgos.[19]听Contrary to Weise鈥檚 suggestions, a number of cathedrals and monastic churches have also been identified as hall churches.[20]
Origins in The Crown Of Castile?
As suggested above, in the thirteenth-century church of Santa Ana in Triana and parts of Barcelona Cathedral built in the fourteenth century, the aisles rise to almost the same height as the nave. But Seville Cathedral offers perhaps the most striking example of spatial unification in peninsular Gothic architecture. There, the double aisles are of equal height and approach that of the central vessel; on these grounds it has been related to Hallenkirchen.[21]听Its design is owed to foreign artists not from Germany but from France, and especially Normandy. It was begun in 1433 to the design of Isambart, Master Ysanbarte, or Ysember, who worked in Seville in 1433 and 1434, and was probably a Frenchman christened as听Isembertus. He was a versatile, seasoned architect whose work is documented in numerous Spanish cities, beginning with Lleida in 1410. Since he was well-versed in structural matters, he was summoned to Zaragoza in 1417 as a designer and director of works for highly complicated chapels. He demonstrated his skill in Daroca, near Zaragoza (1417鈥22), and directed major works at Palencia Cathedral from 1424 to approximately 1437.[22]听The next master mason who is documented as head of the lodge in Seville is Master Carl铆n鈥擟harles Gautier from Rouen鈥攚ho was Ysanbarte鈥檚 former superior at Lleida and was paid as head of the team of stonemasons and labourers 鈥榳ho cut stones and took them to the new works鈥 at Seville in 1435.[23]听Following Carl铆n鈥檚 disappearance (he probably died in 1454), continuity of the works was guaranteed by the wardens who stayed on. The first of these was another Frenchman, Jean Normant, his name rendered in Castilian as Juan Norm谩n, master mason from 1454 until his retirement in 1478.[24]
By the 1470s, it was already clear from the height of its aisles that Seville Cathedral would not follow the traditional basilical model of Gothic cathedrals. It must have been around this this time that a plan of Seville Cathedral was drawn up. This plan is now in the archive of the convent of La Sant铆sima Trinidad de Bidaurreta, O帽ate, Guip煤zcoa.[25]听The heights of all the freestanding piers are written beside them, with 鈥榅V鈥 repeated on those in the nave and transepts (including the crossing), and 鈥榅II鈥 on the remainder (Fig. 10.4). The result was a cathedral which resembles a hall church, quickly imitated nearby in such fine examples as the churches of Utrera, Carmona and Aracena.[26]
According to Paul de la Riestra, the first church in the crown of Castile to be a true hall church was Astorga Cathedral, Le贸n.[27]听It is also the only Spanish hall church to be attributed to a German master, Juan de Colonia. The theory exposed by De la Riestra holds that Colonia designed the cathedral in approximately 1471 on the model of a hall church, a plan that was subsequently altered, but only when work on the presbytery had advanced considerably. The interrupted buttresses in the lateral apses (Fig. 10.5) and the absence of transepts (Rodrigo Gil would add them later) suggest that the cathedral of Astorga was planned as a hall church, possibly related to the Mortizkirche in Halle an der Saale in Saxony, Germany. The possibility that Astorga was designed by a German master cannot be confirmed through written sources, however, and Juan de Colonia鈥檚 early works in Castile scarcely resemble Astorga Cathedral. It is hoped that further investigation may shed light on this early example of a Spanish hall church.
Recent research has also enhanced understanding of Zaragoza Cathedral, traditionally thought to be the second true hall church in Spain, its nave and double aisles raised to the same height at the end of the fifteenth century. It is now known that in the fourteenth century a new Gothic church was begun to a basilical plan, and with single aisles. The additional aisles were added after 1490, and in 1519 new vaults were added to the nave, below the level of the fourteenth-century vaults.[28]听Zaragoza鈥檚 hall church design was not planned from the start but followed multiple interventions, including the addition of a transept. For this reason, it cannot be considered one of the earliest hall churches in Spain.
At Plasencia Cathedral there is clear documentary evidence that the chapter wished the nave and aisles to be of the same height. The cathedral was begun in 1498 by Enrique Egas, architect of Toledo Cathedral, and work continued under Juan de 脕lava, architect of Salamanca鈥檚 New Cathedral. In 1522 the chapter demanded that Juan 鈥榬aise the transepts to the same height鈥 as the capilla mayor and to keep this height for the remaining parts of the church, all of which indicates that reference was being made to the hall model.[29]听The architect further reinforced the cathedral鈥檚 spatial continuity by using fascicle piers with no capitals, emphasising the continuity of ribs and responds from the ground to the vaults.
If the example of Plasencia shows that cathedral chapters took an interest in hall churches, then the case of Salamanca demonstrates that this was also a concern for architects. In 1523 a conference in Salamanca drew together architects from the great lodge at Toledo (Enrique Egas and Vasco de la Zarza), from the employment of the Constable of Castile (Juan de Rasines), and from Salamanca itself (Juan Gil de Honta帽贸n and Juan de 脕lava) to consider how to terminate the nave and aisles of the new cathedral. In those discussions, and in others from 1531 and 1533, the possibility of finishing the cathedral as a hall church was raised.[30]
It should be noted that all the protagonists at this conference were born in Castile, and that many had experience of hall churches in the construction of parish churches鈥攁rguably the most important field of experimentation with this typology in the Iberian Peninsula. Hall churches are especially common in the most ambitious collegiate and parish churches: the collegiate church of San Antol铆n in Medina del Campo, built by Juan Gil de Honta帽贸n from 1521 onwards (Fig. 10.6); the collegiate church of Berlanga de Duero in Soria, begun by Juan de Rasines in 1526; the parish church of Villacast铆n (Segovia), begun in 1539 by Rodrigo Gil de Honta帽贸n; the church of Yepes in Toledo, begun by the Renaissance architect Alonso de Covarrubias in 1534; the parish church in Haro (La Rioja), where Juan de Rasines was active in 1534; and the parish churches of Briones (La Rioja), Roa (Burgos), and numerous others (Fig. 10.7). Indeed, as John D. Hoag notes, 鈥楧uring the first half of the sixteenth century parish churches of the two Castillas that were not conceived as hall churches with three equal aisles are rare鈥.[31]
Economy and Imitation
Direct imitation of other churches can very clearly be discerned amongst parish churches, subject to two key factors. On one hand, this imitation can be understood in the context of the socio-professional environment of those who erected the churches, notably the unusually cohesive group of masons from the northern part of the peninsula who clung to the same technical solutions for generations. In this respect, erecting vaults at the same height created minor complexity for the master in the use of templates (monteas听and听plantillas), and it was cheaper than cut stones for a basilical church that requires more templates. It has long been noted that Cantabrian and Basque masters played an important role in the diffusion of hall church designs in the sixteenth century and part of the seventeenth.[32]听But it is also now possible to emphasise the special role of certain Cantabrian masters in the construction of hall churches. The workshop of Juan Gil de Honta帽贸n played a particularly important role in diffusing the type across Castile: his son, Rodrigo Gil de Honta帽贸n, built no fewer than fifteen churches of this type, while Juan鈥檚 disciple, Juan de Rasines (followed by his son, Pedro, and grandson, Rodrigo), also spread the model, especially at parish level.[33]
The second reason for the success of hall churches was economic. As numerous sources make clear, hall churches offered clear economic and structural advantages. In favouring this solution for Salamanca鈥檚 New Cathedral, Juan de Rasines and the sculptor Vasco de la Zarza declared:
If the work is done in this way it will be much stronger and smarter, since we see every day the omissions and errors in the old works because the nave and aisles are of unequal height, and how, if the aisles stay lower than the nave, the arches break and the arcades crack, as we can see every day in many parts. If it is done in the other way, the building remains very strong and safe and does not need any flying buttresses, and moreover costs are considerably reduced.[34]
The same advantages were also described by Rodrigo Gil de Honta帽贸n in the manuscript that informed Sim贸n Garc铆a鈥檚 famous late seventeenth-century听Compendium of architecture and symmetry. In a section on hall churches, Garc铆a claimed:
When [the aisles] rise to a single height it means that such a body is headless; all is strong and good, being well-made and planned and conceived 鈥 the building that rises to a single height is thus stronger because each part supports the other, which does not happen when the central vessel rises higher because the side aisles provide support to the central vessel, while the thrust of the aisles is met only by empty space, and is met instead by flying buttresses, and thus it cannot rise to a single height, to the detriment either of costs or lighting, which, were it of a single height would make one appreciate only the one aisle.[35]
In the end cathedral chapters proved relatively hostile to hall churches because they lacked the authority of the basilical model adopted by the great cathedrals such as Toledo and Le贸n. Enrique Egas, the royal architect from Toledo, summarised this position when he complained in 1533 that hall churches 鈥榬esemble a warehouse rather than a church鈥.[36]听It is probably for this reason that the hall church model was ultimately rejected for the cathedrals of Astorga, Salamanca, Segovia, and Las Palmas, Gran Canaria. Nevertheless, it was accepted in Plasencia, as we have seen, in Barbastro (Juan de Sari帽ena, ca. 1518), and in an important group of Andalusian cathedrals (Guadix, Baza, Baeza, Ja茅n and Almer铆a) (Fig. 10.8). It was also exported to cathedrals in Mexico City, the Yucat谩n, and Peru, albeit invariably with an Italianate听补濒濒鈥檃苍迟颈肠补听vocabulary rather than a Gothic or German one (Fig. 10.9).[37]听However, at parish level, the model was widely accepted, especially for growing new towns and villages.[38]听Such churches were impressive and cheaper to build than basilican churches, whilst still providing sufficient space for burial. Indeed, Rodrigo Gil de Honta帽贸n (via Simon Garc铆a) directly connected the choice of hall churches to their funerary use.[39]
Rodrigo Gil de Honta帽贸n鈥檚 own works testify to the tremendous vitality of this form. He built numerous hall churches, in the provinces of Valladolid, Guadalajara, Le贸n, Madrid, Palencia and Segovia. Through his designs and those of other Castilian architects, such as Juan de Rasines in Soria and La Rioja and Juan Mart铆nez de Mutio in the Basque Country, the typology of Hallenkirchen was adopted in a vast number of Castilian villages in the early modern period. It was a phenomenon of rapid imitation, in which parish churches adopted a model for their design that satisfied the local population, clergy and patrons鈥攊n other words, everyone involved. For example, the parish church of Villahoz, Burgos, offers a rather different example of a successful hall church design, one that served as the model for a whole series of churches along the River Odra in the diocese of Burgos. These include the churches of Santa Mar铆a in Sasam贸n, San Esteban in Los Balbases, la Asunci贸n in Melgar del Fernamental and San Juan in Castrojeriz.[40]听Such churches were planned at the end of the fifteenth century with a basilical plan and apse, but in a second phase of construction, under the influence of nearby Villahoz, they were continued as hall churches.[41]听Francisco de Colonia鈥檚 interventions can perhaps be detected in the main portals of some of these churches, as at Villahoz (Fig. 10.10). The current state of research does not allow us to speculate further about the role of Juan de Colonia鈥檚 grandson鈥攂orn in Burgos to the son of an inhabitant of Burgos鈥攊n the dissemination of the model of hall churches throughout Castile.
Clearly, then, it is still not possible to state with confidence how the model of the hall church came to Castile. Architects assuredly played a key role in church design, but numerous other factors also affected it. Ambitious churches in sixteenth-century Castile came about as the result of the economic efforts of whole communities and persons with diverse agendas: designers and patrons were both concerned with questions of safety, rapidity and efficiency, tradition and imitation. The arrival and dissemination of hall church designs in Castile can only be understood as a combination of these factors.
Citations
[1]听On the origins of听hallen听in Germany and Central Europe, see Kurt Gerstenberg,听Deutsche Sondergotik听(M眉nchen, 1913); Elisabeth Fink,听Die gotische Hallenkirchen in Westfalen听(Emsdetten: Lechte, 1934); Friedhelm Wilhelm W. Fischer,听Unser Bild von der sp盲tgotischen Architektur des XV.听Jahrunderts听(Heidelberg: C. Winter, 1984); Norbert Nussbaum,听Deustche Kincherbaukunst der Gotik. Entwicklung und Bauformen听(Cologne: DuMont Buchverlag, 1985); Constanza Caraffa, 鈥楲e Hallenkirchen tardogotiche dell麓Alta Sassonia. Annaberg e la sintesi di vecchio e nuovo鈥, in听L麓architettura del Tardogotico in Europa.听Atti del Seminario Internazionale听(Milan: Guerini e associati, 1995), pp.137-143; Gunter Brucher,听Gotische Baukunst in 脰sterreich听(Salzburg: Residenz Verlag, 1990). For Rome, see A. T枚nnesmann and U.V. Fischer Pace, 鈥楽anta Maria della Piet谩. Die Kirche desCampo Santo Teutonico in Rom鈥, in听Der Campo Santo Teutonico in Rom听(Freiburg: Verlag Herder, 1988), 2: pp.302-305; R. Samperi, 鈥楲a fabrica di Santa Maria dell麓Anima e la sua facciata鈥,听Annali di Architettura, Rivista del Centro Internazionale di Studi di Architettura Andrea Palladio di Vicenza听14 (2002): pp.109-128. Also see Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz,听Arquitectura tardog贸tica en Castilla: los Rasines听(Santander: Universidad de Cantabria, Colegio Oficial de arquitectos de Cantabria, 2003), pp.107-113.
[2]听Pius II,听Comentarii听(Libro IX, cap.24): 鈥榯res, ut aiunt, naves aedem perficiunt, media latior est, altitudo omnium par: ita Pius iusserat, qui exemplar apud germanos in Austria vidisset. Venustius ea res et luminosius templum reddit鈥. Cited in Eug猫ne M眉ntz,听Les Arts 脿 la cour des Papes pendant le XVe et el XVIe si猫cle听(Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 1983), p. 358.
[3]听Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz, 鈥楽antiago de los Espa帽oles y el modelo de iglesia sal贸n en Roma鈥, in Carlos J. Hernando S谩nchez (ed.),听Roma y Espa帽a. Un crisol de la cultura europea en la Edad Moderna听(Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Acci贸n Cultural Exterior, 2007), 1: pp. 173-188.
[4]听See Vicente Lamp茅rez y Romea,听Juan de Colonia.听Estudio Biogr谩fico-Cr铆tico听(Valladolid: Imp. La Nueva Pincia, 1904). See also Javier G贸mez Mart铆nez, 鈥楨l arte de la montea entre Juan y Sim贸n de Colonia鈥, in听Actas del Congreso Internacional sobre Gil de Siloe y la escultura de su 茅poca听(Burgos: Instituci贸n Fern谩n Gonz谩lez,听Academia Burgense de Historia y Bellas Artes听, 2001), pp. 356-57; Robert Bork,听Skyscrapers of the New Jerusalem: The Great Spires of Gothic Europe听(Cologne: Kolner Architekturstudien, 2003), p. 259; Mar铆a Pilar Garc铆a Cuetos, 鈥楿na s铆ntesis de la arquitectura de torres europea: La fachada de la catedral de Oviedo y la llegada de las flechas caladas a Castilla鈥,听Ars Longa, 22 (2013), pp. 27-42. For another point of view, see Nicol谩s Men茅ndez Gonz谩lez, 鈥樷淪under von vil andern grossen berumbte maisteren鈥. Las obras de la capilla de la Visitaci贸n y la fachada de la catedral, marco de la aparici贸n de Juan de Colonia en la ciudad. La reestructuraci贸n del taller catedralicio (h.1444-1447)鈥, in听1514. Arquitectos tardog贸ticos en la encrucijada听(Seville: Editorial Universidad de Sevilla, 2016), pp. 92-106.
[5]听鈥楳i voluntad es que no se mezcle con la otra obra ninguna cosa fran莽isa, ni alemana ni morisca sino que todo sea romano鈥. In听Epistolario del Conde de Tendilla (1504-1506), eds. Jos茅 Szmolka Clares, Mar铆a Amparo Moreno Trujillo, Mar铆a Jos茅 Osorio P茅rez (Granada, Universidad de Granada, 1996), p. 504.
[6]听Studien zur spanischen Architektur der Sp盲tgotik听(Reutlingen: Gryphius-Verl, 1933); 鈥楧ie Hallenkirchen der Sp盲tgotik und der Renaissance im mittleren und n枚rdlichen Spanien鈥,听Zeitschrift f眉r Kunstgeschichte听4 (1935): pp. 214-227 and听Die spanischen Hallenkirchen der Sp盲tgotik und der Renaissance. I. Alt- und Neukastilien听(T眉bingen: Kunsthistor. Institut d. Universit盲t, 1953).
[7]听Claudia Ruckert, 鈥楪eorg Weise y la Hallenkirche espa帽ola鈥,听Anales de Historia del Arte, volumen extraordinario (2009), pp. 339.
[8]听Rafael C贸mez Ramos, 鈥楲a iglesia de Santa Isabel de Marburgo del Lahn, un ejemplo del nacionalismo en la Historia del Arte鈥,听Laboratorio de Arte听16 (2013): p. 19.
[9]听See Jan Bialostocki, 鈥楲ate Gothic: Disagreements about the concept鈥,听Journal of the British Archaeological Association听29 (1966): pp. 76-105; Caraffa, 鈥楲e hallenkirchen tardogotiche dell麓Alta Sassonia鈥, pp. 137-41; C贸mez Ramos, 鈥楲a iglesia de Santa Isabel鈥, p. 19; 听and Robert Bork,听Late Gothic Architecture. Its Evolution, Extinction and Reception听(Turnhout: Brepols, 2018), pp. 423-425.
[10]听H. J. Kunst, 鈥楬all church鈥, in Jane Turner (ed.),听The Dictionary of Art听(New York: Grove, 1996), 14: p. 80.
[11]听C贸mez Ramos, 鈥楲a iglesia de Santa Isabel鈥, p. 18.
[12]听Alonso Ruiz,听Arquitectura tardog贸tica en Castilla,听p.20.
[13]听R眉ckert, 鈥楪eorge Weise鈥, p. 341.
[14]听See Vicente Lamp茅rez y Romea,听Historia de la arquitectura cristiana espa帽ola en la Edad Media seg煤n el estudio de los elementos y los monumentos, 3rd ed. (Valladolid: 脕mbito, Junta de Castilla y Le贸n, 1999), 2: p. 178, where he wrote that 鈥榚l sistema de naves iguales adquiere su generalidad en el final del siglo XV, sin duda por la invasi贸n de artistas alemanes y borgo帽ones鈥.
[15]听For alternative historiographic models, consider Castor de Uriarte鈥檚 assertion that hall churches with columnar supports were Basque in origin, or the long historiography on 鈥楬ispano-Islamic鈥 features in Late Gothic architecture. See Castor de Uriarte,听Las iglesias sal贸n vascas del 煤ltimo per铆odo del g贸tico听(Vitoria, 1978); Roberto Gonz谩lez Ramos, 鈥楾he Hispano-Islamisms of Juan Guas. The fabrication of a Historiographical Stereotype鈥,听Mirabilia Ars 2. El poder de la Imagen. Ideas y funciones de las representaciones art铆sticas听(2015): pp. 105-139.
[16]听The Hispanic bibliography was collected in Julio J. Polo S谩nchez, 鈥楨l modelo Hallenkirchen en Castilla鈥, in Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz (coord.),听La arquitectura tardog贸tica castellana entre Europa y Am茅rica听(Madrid: S铆lex, 2011), pp. 281-312.
[17]听See, for example, B. Bevan,听Historia de la arquitectura espa帽ola听(Barcelona: Reverte, 1950), p. 199; 脕urea de la Morena, 鈥業glesias columnarias con b贸vedas de crucer铆a en la provincia de Madrid鈥,听Anales del Instituto de Estudios Madrile帽os听8 (1972): pp. 1-9; Jos茅 Luis Pano Gracia, 鈥業ntroducci贸n al estudio de las Hallenkirchen en Arag贸n鈥,听Artigrama听1 (1984): pp. 113-45; Jos茅 Luis Pano Gracia, 鈥楢rquitectura religiosa aragonesa durante el siglo XVI: las Hallenkirchen o iglesias de planta de sal贸n鈥,听Artigrama听4 (1987): pp. 327-39; Jos茅 Luis Pano Gracia, 鈥楨l modelo de planta de sal贸n: origen, difusi贸n e implantaci贸n en Am茅rica鈥, in Mar铆a del Carmen Lacarra (ed.),听Arquitectura religiosa del siglo XVI en Espa帽a y Ultramar听(Zaragoza: Instituci贸n Fernando el Cat贸lico, 2004), p. 40; Fernando Mar铆as,听El largo siglo XVI. Los usos art铆sticos del Renacimiento espa帽ol听(Madrid: Taurus, 1989), p. 106. Javier G贸mez Mart铆nez,听El G贸tico espa帽ol de la Edad Moderna. B贸vedas de crucer铆a听(Valladolid: Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Valladolid, 1998), p. 206, identified the phenomenon with the work of Juan and Sim贸n de Colonia in the area around Burgos.
[18]听Fernando Chueca Goitia,听La Catedral nueva de Salamanca. Historia documental de su construcci贸n.听(Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 1951), pp. 76-77; Fernando Chueca Goitia,听Historia de la arquitectura espa帽ola.听Edad Antigua. Edad Media听(Madrid, 1965), pp. 393-394; Jos茅 脕ngel Barrio Loza y Jos茅 Gabriel Moya Valga帽贸n, 鈥楨l modo vasco de producci贸n arquitect贸nica en los siglos XVI-XVII鈥,听Kobie听10 (1980): p. 315; C贸mez Ramos, 鈥楲a iglesia de Santa Isabel鈥, pp. 15-16; Alonso Ruiz,听Arquitectura tardog贸tica en Castilla, p. 113.
[19]听Polo S谩nchez, 鈥楨l modelo Hallenkirchen en Castilla鈥, pp. 281-312.
[20]听They include the Benedictine abbey church of Yuso in San Mill谩n de la Cogolla, La Rioja; the church of San Benito in Alc谩ntara, C谩ceres, which belonged to the military order of the same name; and the Dominican church of Santillana del Mar, Cantabria. See G贸mez Mart铆nez,听El G贸tico Espa帽ol de la Edad Moderna, p. 220. Cathedrals based on 迟丑别听hallen听model in Spain are Plasencia (C谩ceres), Almer铆a, Guadix, Ja茅n, M谩laga, Baza and Baeza.
[21]听Chueca Goitia,听Historia de la arquitectura espa帽ola,听pp. 341-53 and Mar铆as,听El largo siglo XVI, p. 101.
[22]听Alfonso Jim茅nez Mart铆n, 鈥楲os primeros a帽os de la catedral de Sevilla鈥, in Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz (ed.),听Los 煤ltimos arquitectos del G贸tico听(Madrid, 2010), pp. 15-69.
[23]听Alfonso Jim茅nez Mart铆n, 鈥楲as fechas de las formas鈥, in听La catedral g贸tica de Sevilla: Fundaci贸n y f谩brica de la obra nueva听(Seville: Universidad de Sevilla, 2006), p. 52.
[24]听Jim茅nez Mart铆n, 鈥楲as fechas鈥, pp. 70; 76.
[25]听See Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz and Alfonso Jim茅nez Mart铆n, Tra莽a de la iglesia de Sevilla听(Seville: Excmo. Cabildo Metropolitano, 2009); Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz and Alfonso Jim茅nez Mart铆n, 鈥楢 Fifteenth-Century Plan of the Cathedral of Seville鈥,听Architectural History听55 (2012): pp. 57-77.
[26]听Juan Clemente Rodr铆guez Est茅vez, 鈥楨l g贸tico catedralicio. La influencia de la catedral en el arzobispado de Sevilla鈥, in Alfonso Jim茅nez Mart铆n (ed.),听La piedra postrera. Simposio Internacional sobre la catedral de Sevilla en el contexto del g贸tico final,听vol. 1,听Ponencias听(Seville: Tvrris Fort铆ssima, 2007), pp.175-255.
[27]听Pablo De la Riestra,听La Catedral de Astorga y la arquitectura del G贸tico alem谩n听(Astorga: Museo de la Catedral de Astorga, 1992), pp. 32-35; 鈥楧ie Kathedrale von Astorga und die Architektur der deutschen Gotik鈥,听Mitteilungen der Carl Justi-Vereinigung听6 (1994): pp. 109-11; 鈥楲a catedral de Astorga y sus referentes alemanes鈥, in Christian Freigang (ed.),听Gotische Architektur in Spanien. La arquitectura g贸tica en Espa帽a听(Frankfurt am Main and Madrid: Iberoamericana Vervuert, 1999), pp. 273-88; 鈥楲a catedral de Astorga y sus trazas germanas鈥, in听Simposio sobre la catedral. Astorga, 9-11 de agosto de 2000听(Astorga: Centro de Estudios Astorganos 鈥楳arcelo Mac铆as鈥, 2001), pp. 157-71.
[28]听听Javier Ib谩帽ez Fern谩ndez and Jorge Andr茅s Casab贸n,听La catedral de Zaragoza de la Baja Edad Media al primer quinientos. Estudio documental y art铆stico听(Zaragoza: Fundaci贸n Teresa de Jes煤s, 2016), pp. 144, 186-87.
[29]听鈥楺ue al莽ase el cruzero en el mesmo alto que la capilla, de manera que moviesen las bueltas de la capilla y del cruzero de un alto y la ordenan莽a fuese como a el le pares莽iese, con tal que haga el hedifi莽io nuevo responsyon para adelante鈥. See Ana Castro Santamar铆a, 鈥淓l problema de las trazas de la Catedral de Plasencia鈥, in听VIII Centenario de la Di贸cesis de Plasencia (1189-1989). Jornadas de Estudios Hist贸ricos听(Plasencia: Obispado, 1990), pp. 467-76.
[30]听Ana Castro Santamar铆a, 鈥楲a pol茅mica en torno a la planta de sal贸n en la Catedral de Salamanca鈥,听Academia听75 (1992): pp. 389-422; Alonso Ruiz,听Arquitectura tardog贸tica en Castilla, pp. 118-28.
[31]听John D. Hoag,听Rodrigo Gil de Honta帽贸n. G贸tico y Renacimiento en la arquitectura espa帽ola del siglo XVI听(Marid: Xarait, 1985), p. 20.
[32]听Chueca Goitia,听La Catedral nueva de Salamanca, pp. 76-77; De la Morena, 鈥業glesias columnarias con b贸vedas鈥, pp. 1-9; Barrio Loza and Moya Valga帽贸n, 鈥楨l modo vasco鈥, p. 315; Hoag,听Rodrigo Gil de Honta帽贸n, pp. 20-21; Antonio Casaseca Casaseca,听Rodrigo Gil de Honta帽贸n (Rascafr铆a 1500-Segovia, 1577)听(Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y Le贸n, 1988); Julio J. Polo S谩nchez 鈥楨l modelo 鈥榟allenkirchen鈥 en la arquitectura religiosa del Norte Peninsular: el papel de los trasmeranos鈥, in Mar铆a del Carmen Lacarra (ed.),听Arquitectura religiosa del siglo XVI en Espa帽a y Ultramar听(Zaragoza: Instituci贸n Fernando el Cat贸lico, 2004), pp. 189-236.
[33]听Polo S谩nchez, 鈥楨l modelo Hallenkirchen en Castilla鈥; Casaseca Casaseca,听Rodrigo Gil, pp. 45-66; Miguel 脕ngel Zalama Rodr铆guez,听La arquitectura del siglo XVI en la provincia de Palencia听(Palencia: Diputaci贸n Provincial, 1990), pp. 89-91. For Juan de Rasines and his family, see Alonso Ruiz,听Arquitectura tardog贸tica en Castilla, pp. 136-39.
[34]听鈥楬azi茅ndose de este parecer la obra, ser谩 muy m谩s fuerte y m谩s galana por quanto vemos cada d铆a las faltas e hierros que ay en las obras antiguas por no quedar en alto las tres naves, y quedando baxas las unas m谩s que las otras azen quebrar los arcos y rebentar los pilares torales, lo qual se puede ver cada d铆a en muchas partes, y hazi茅ndose de esta manera queda muy fuerte y segura y no tiene necesidad de ning煤n arco botante e dem谩s desto se ahorra mucha costa鈥. See Chueca Goitia,听La Catedral nueva de Salamanca, p. 72.
[35]听鈥楺uando van a un alto significa que el tal cuerpo es sin cabeza; todo es fuerte y bueno estando bien fabricado y monteado y estribado 鈥 yendo as铆 a un alto es el edificio m谩s fuerte porque se ayuda uno a otro lo qual no hace cuando la principal sube m谩s porque es menester que desde la colateral se le de fuerza a la mayor e desde la ornacina a la colateral, lo cual se da con arbotantes y acese asi que no se puede subir a un alto, o por menoridad de gastos o por las luces, que si fuesen a un alto no se podr铆an dar que gozase m谩s de la una nave鈥. See Sim贸n Garc铆a,听Compendio de architectura y simetr铆a de los templos conforme a la medida del cuerpo humano con algunas demostraciones de Geometr铆a. A帽o de 1681. Recoxido de diversos autores naturales y estrangeros por Sim贸n Garc铆a architecto, natural de Salamanca, pp. 35-36, Ms 8884, fol. 8v, Biblioteca Nacional de Espa帽a, Madrid,听http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000042291&page=1. In Cuenca, in 1554, Sancho de Legarra offered a very similar testimony about the advantages of constructing the church of San Clemente as a Hallenkirche; see Chueca Goitia,听La Catedral nueva de Salamanca, p. 316.
[36]听鈥榩orque la iglesia no quedaba alumbrada como conviene, y parescer铆a antes otra cosa que iglesia 鈥 yo e visto iglesia de tres naves que mueven las dos hornezinas y la de en medio de una altura y, en verdad, que tiene m谩s corte de bodega que no de iglesia鈥. Enrique鈥檚 comments survive as part of the discussions regarding the design of Salamanca Cathedral; two years earlier, Diego de Ria帽o claimed that hall churches were not suitable for cathedrals: 鈥榤ande llamar cinco o seis [arquitectos], los m谩s 谩biles que aya en Espa帽a, que sepan qu茅 cosa son obras de iglesia catedral鈥. See Alonso Ruiz,听Arquitectura tardog贸tica en Castilla, pp. 134-5.
[37]听G贸mez Mart铆nez,听El G贸tico Espa帽ol de la Edad Moderna, pp. 209-10.
[38]听Alonso Ruiz,听Arquitectura tardog贸tica en Castilla, p. 136.
[39]听鈥楢lgunos abisados modernos suelen mirar la gente que ay en el tal pueblo, y si es de trato que tengan entendido que se aumentar谩n, y conforme 谩 regla de ganancias, de 10 a 20, o de 30 por 100. Suelen diuidir la grandeza dando a cada vecino su sepultura de 7 pies de largo y 3 de ancho, y m谩s otra ter莽ia parte de los que as铆 salen. Supongo que es para un pueblo de 100 vezinos, que son aora, y s谩case que en 100 a帽os aumentar谩n 30, son 130, pues cada uno de 7 de largo y 3 de ancho, son 3.640 quadrados, habi茅ndole a帽adido la una tercia parte para la disposici贸n y paseos; pues de esta manera se podr谩 ver que aya de tener un templo para el tal pueblo, porque si fuere como paralelogramo, pu茅dese saber qu茅 pies cuadrados tiene y la longitud y latitud que a menester; diremos que le cabr谩n treinta de ancho y 120 de largo su lado u nabe, y m谩s un terzio de pi茅; en esto no ser谩 menester mirar de estos rostros. As铆 que por esta regla se podr谩n hacer otros cualesquiera鈥. See Sim贸n Garc铆a,听Compendio de architectura,听pp. 25-26.
[40]听In an initial phase, at the end of the fifteenth century, Melgar del Fernamental had a plan with a nave, aisles and transepts. See Elena Mart铆n Mart铆nez de Sim贸n, 鈥楢rquitectura religiosa tardog贸tica en la provincia de Burgos (1440-1511)鈥 (PhD diss. University of Burgos, Spain, 2016), p. 149. As she notes on p. 148, the church of San Esteban de Los Balbases began as a structure with a nave and aisles of five bays, later modified with the addition of an apse, crossing, and the setting of the first three bays of the nave and aisles at the same height.
[41]听Francisco de Colonia was responsible for transforming Villahoz鈥檚 basilical plan into a hall church. See Polo S谩nchez 鈥楨l modelo 鈥榟allenkirchen鈥 en la arquitectura religiosa鈥, pp. 211-14; Elena Mart铆n Mart铆nez de Sim贸n and Ren茅 J. Payo Hernanz, 鈥楲a actuaci贸n de Francisco de Colonia en la iglesia de Nuestra Se帽ora de Villahoz, Burgos鈥, in Bego帽a Alonso Ruiz (coord.),听La arquitectura tardog贸tica castellana entre Europa y Am茅rica听(Madrid: S铆lex, 2011), pp. 149-57.
DOI: 10.33999/2019.54