The curator Don Skemer described the separation between the world of books and the world of archives as a deep abyss, with curators of literary texts on the one side and keepers of public records and documents on the other.[1]听In many ways, Western medieval scrolls and rolls inhabit both of these worlds, although some rolls have more of an affinity with one world than the other. Skemer contended that cataloguing and display practices in museum and library collections distinguish sacred and secular rolls such as Exultet rolls and other liturgical texts, prayer rolls, textual amulets, genealogical chronicles, works of drama, poetry, and music from administrative records such as charters and diplomas, statute rolls, and other practical texts more easily categorised as documents. Yet the particular characteristics of certain types of rolls, especially mortuary rolls, as objects with elements that fluctuate between the personal and the authoritative, the ephemeral and the archival, between original and copy, require that scholars not only cross Skemer鈥檚 abyss, but that they also draw expertise from other fields in order to address broader questions about the relationship between scroll and codex and the persistence and use of the roll form over the course of the Middle Ages.
In this chapter I consider the facture and display of the mortuary roll of Elisabeth 鈥榮Conincs (d.1458), Abbess of Forest (Vorst), to speculate on collective viewing practices and contexts for illuminated mortuary rolls in the late Middle Ages (figs 6.1鈥6.6).[2]听Largely unfamiliar to non-specialists and rarely publicly displayed, mortuary rolls have been valued primarily as unique historic documents that identify travel routes, confraternity networks, and other religious institutional relationships; specific instructions for their physical engagement and display after facture are not fully known. As a result, text-based projects and comprehensive surveys and transcriptions of mortuary rolls dominate the field, and the relationship between their visual elements and the forms and stages of physical handling and engagement have attracted less discussion. In order to consider these viewing and engagement practices in greater depth, it is important to expand thinking beyond clearly defined, polarised perspectives about their operational contexts. Dichotomies such as production versus function, makers versus users, spiritual versus material commemorations, practices of display versus engagement and permanent versus transient memorials, are all problematic because they propose distinctions that segregate the mortuary roll鈥檚 tightly intertwined actions, processes, networks, and material elements. As I will show, mortuary rolls in their very nature transgress such divisions, and require appropriately attuned reflection which is expansive in its approach. Thus, as a way into this subject, this study argues for anachronistic thinking about the illuminated mortuary roll鈥檚 past material and performative operations in its referencing of medieval鈥攁nd also present day鈥攄isplay practices and art works.
Likewise, approaches from different scholarly fields, including medieval and contemporary art history and material culture studies, are crucial to this analysis. My close examination of the 鈥榮Conincs roll suggests that, like many mortuary rolls, its decorated elements鈥 an illuminated frontispiece and obituary letter鈥攅xisted separately before their attachment to its textual elements, consisting of hundreds of signatures, to form a single roll. The initial independence of these elements and their later attachment and interdependence inform my reflections on forms of collective engagement with the roll, forms that encompass facture, handling, viewing, prayer, and preservation in a range of display and storage contexts. Recent research on diverse subjects provides methodological and conceptual tools that inform my ideas: research on forms of physical and visual engagement with illuminated prayer rolls, genealogical rolls, and Exultet rolls; commemorative practices in communities of religious women; and ideas of collective authorship that address gender and class.[3]听Finally, consideration of the durational and performative dimensions of display in both medieval mortuary rolls and scroll forms appearing in contemporary art makes it possible to assess mortuary rolls as mobile, dynamic, material objects, as well as static carriers of text and image.[4]听The chapter begins with a close study of the 鈥榮Conincs mortuary roll and the physical, geographical, and durational aspects of its facture and display, and is followed by a brief overview of the conventions, history, and legacy of the roll format and its uses. A comparative study of the scale, content, and forms of handling and engagement of other medieval illuminated rolls, together with reflections on contemporary art and museum display practices, propose a new range of possible contexts for the mortuary roll鈥檚 use.
Mortuary Rolls and the 鈥榮Conincs Roll
A mortuary roll is an unusual object, less familiar than most other Western medieval manuscript roll forms because limited numbers survive, and perhaps also because of its diverse range of purposes as an obituary notice, a record of prayer exchange between religious communities, and as a commemorative object. At most, a mortuary roll can consist of three parts: an image of a recently deceased person on a deathbed or in a funerary scene (known as the frontispiece), an obituary letter (the encyclical), and signed, often dated promises of prayers from different religious communities (called听tituli), joined together and rolled around a wooden dowel or cylindrical rod (fig. 6.2).[5]听Some mortuary rolls begin with richly designed frontispieces, or contain illuminated letters in the encyclical, but others have no ornamentation. Some contain long poems and literary reflections on death, while others contain formulaic statements; some are unfinished or exist only as fragments, the direct or indirect result of their reuse or partial destruction, especially after periods of reform in northern Europe.[6]听The most substantial part of the mortuary roll was a collection of听tituli听in the form of a list. A genre in its own right originating in legal and financial contexts, the list or register was also used in literary works such as听Piers Plowman听to represent a distinctive mode of writing that accounts for labour through enumeration.[7]听Thus the signed promises can be understood to represent forms of labour and currency.
The fundamental complexity of the mortuary roll lies in its material quantification of this immaterial labour and currency鈥攐f devotional acts and networks鈥攎aking it both a spiritually binding document and a portable memorial, conveying the news of a death and eulogising the dead, but also consolidating contractual relationships between communities of the dead and the living. A diverse group of individuals from different social classes contributed to the making of a mortuary roll: the Abbot or Abbess, Prior or Prioress, who may have commissioned the roll; the precentor or head of the scriptorium who was responsible for the preparation of the roll; the illuminator; the almoners who supervised the roll bearer during their visit; the roll bearer who collected the signatures; and hundreds of signatories from religious communities, along with members of the communities themselves, who promised and returned prayers.[8]听The roll bearer was a consistent agent in its facture, responsible for carrying a mortuary roll from one religious community to another and collecting signatures of promised prayers. Ordinarily male and not a member of a religious order, he left each community with a record of his visit and the promised prayer exchange in the form of a mortuary brief, a small note the size and shape of a bookmark, like a receipt.[9]听As the collection of signatures grew, so did the length of the roll. Mortuary rolls recorded spiritual confraternities and the names of individual members of a confraternity, or other individuals to be remembered in prayer, so that when the roll was returned to the abbey or religious house, the names of the dead might conventionally be added to confraternity books and听libri memoriales听(memorial books).[10]
Scholarship on mortuary rolls has focused on transcription, assessments of quantitative and qualitative data, and comparative studies of other rolls or manuscripts. This work has shown that mortuary rolls are useful for identifying individuals and relationships between religious houses; where the signatures are dated, dates and locations can be used to map out travel routes and reflect upon potential modes of travel. The most critical publications on the subject range from Jean Dufour鈥檚 monumental five-volume survey of documented and existing mortuary rolls in Western Europe, to Lynda Rollason鈥檚 exemplary consideration of the highly complex Durham Ebchester-Burnby roll (Durham, DCL, MS B.IV.48; mostly after 1464), a roll requesting prayers for William Ebchester (resigned 1456; d. 1462/3) and John Burnby (d.1464), Priors of Durham, and related material at Durham.[11]听Research on the mortuary roll of St Bruno (d.1110), founder of the Carthusian order, explores its long history, from its lost twelfth-century original on parchment to its sixteenth-century dissemination in print.[12]听Over time, as institutional and spiritual networks changed, the production and value of mortuary rolls diminished for different reasons. Reused for later mortuary rolls or recycled as a result of iconoclastic practices, many only survive as fragments or as incomplete rolls, as an isolated illuminated frontispiece or an encyclical, or as a partial series of signatures.[13]听As the form of the mortuary roll fell out of use, surviving examples became valued as rare collectors鈥 pieces rather than as vehicles for and records of prayer exchange. Thus, although the textual and visual elements of the mortuary roll were in many ways uniform, or at least consistent with established forms and practices, rolls now exist in a variety of material states, which make questions about the stages of their making challenging to resolve.
When each signature is dated and located in chronological order, these rolls are objects that can reveal a great deal about the timing of their assemblage. But in other respects, they are enigmatic. For example, it is routinely difficult to know what purpose they served after they were returned to a religious house and their听tituli听(signatures) had been entered into chapter books. They may have been stored away indefinitely, or elements such as illuminated frontispieces may have been displayed in some way: either momentarily shared between individuals or collectively viewed during an anniversary Mass.[14]听Alternatively, as Rollason illustrates with the series of stitch-holes in the bottom edge of the Ebchester-Burnby frontispiece (detached from the encyclical letter and signatures), frontispieces, and in some cases encyclical letters could be reused in later mortuary rolls made for other religious heads, detached from听tituli听that were archived or used as waste parchment and reattached to new encyclicals or new membranes.[15]听Close examination of the mortuary roll of Elisabeth 鈥榮Conincs raises such questions about fragmentation and completeness in regard to viewing practices.
Rare as an illuminated mortuary roll still attached to its original roll holder, the 鈥榮Conincs roll commemorates the death on 19 July 1458 of Elisabeth 鈥榮Conincs (or Elizabeth Sconincx), Abbess of Forest Abbey, near Brussels. Measuring on average eighteen and a half centimetres wide and nearly thirteen metres long, it is composed of nineteen pieces of vellum; including the frontispiece, the encyclical letter, and seventeen membranes containing hundreds of听tituli. Its dates, signatures and membranes have been counted, measured, partially transcribed and listed by M.R. James among others.[16]听Radiocarbon dating has linked the roll holder (fig. 5) to the time of the manuscript鈥檚 assemblage.[17]听From 6 September 1458 to 8 July 1459, the roll bearer Johannes Leonis collected for Elisabeth and her dead religious sisters 390 signatures of promised prayers from religious communities, ranging from abbeys and monasteries to hermitages. Over the course of the year, he made four return journeys out from Forest Abbey, travelling as far as Bruges, Bonn, Utrecht, Cologne, and Lille, returning for the last time on 8 July 1459, eleven days before the anniversary of the abbess鈥檚 death.[18]听At each religious community, the mortuary roll was signed with the formulaic promise鈥oravimus pro vestris, orate pro nostris, 鈥榳e鈥檒l pray for your dead if you pray for ours鈥欌攐r some variation on these words. In this way, the roll presents the viewer with an offer demanding reciprocity. The signatures occupy both the front and back surfaces of the roll, chronologically running from the third membrane to the last, before continuing onto the back of the third membrane and not the first (the frontispiece), or the second (the encyclical). This supports the idea that the frontispiece and perhaps the encyclical were not attached to the roll until after all of the signatures were collected. If so, like the frontispiece, the decorated encyclical could have been a copy of an obituary letter, and it could also have been made separately to the rest of the roll.[19]
Attached to a leather cover, the first membrane of the 鈥榮Conincs roll is a frontispiece consisting of an upper and lower register featuring spiritual figures above earthly ones. The upper register presents named images of the Virgin and Child, to whom the abbey was dedicated, St Benedict on the left, the order to which the nuns belonged, and St Elisabeth on the right, the Abbess鈥 patron saint. The frame鈥檚 upper edge has been trimmed, cutting into the upper two of four evangelist symbols in the spandrels (fig 6.2). The lower register features an image of a dying abbess and members of her community at Forest, along with two priests who conducted the daily religious rituals in the convent. A group of nuns may represent the living community or the other dead mentioned in the roll; damage to the nuns鈥 faces and to other parts of the frontispiece does not seem intentional or related to its use.[20]听Illuminated in gold, specific elements unify the two registers and focus viewing: the staff held behind the head of the Abbess Elisabeth in the lower register echoes St Benedict鈥檚 gold staff in the upper register; likewise, the religious figures鈥 haloes and attributes are balanced by the gold background below, along with representations of enlarged liturgical instruments (cross, censer, incense-ship, monstrance, holy water bucket), which reference aspects of the Mass and death ritual.[21]听The frontispiece aligns heavenly and earthly realms, appropriate for an object used to encourage and embody the exchange of prayers by the living for the dead.[22]听An expensive, deluxe image, the 鈥榮Conincs frontispiece exhibits what Herbert Kessler and Caroline Walker Bynum refer to as an object鈥檚 鈥榦vert materiality鈥: the capacity for painted religious sculptures, reliquaries and other objects to draw attention to embellishments with precious materials such as gemstones or gold.[23]
The 鈥榮Conincs roll鈥檚 frontispiece follows the conventions of most later medieval frontispieces: a series of vertically sequential registers, usually at least two, starting with a spiritual figure or set of spiritual figures representing the institution鈥檚 order and saint, followed by either a deathbed scene (with the head oriented to the left), a funeral, an interment, or all three scenes beneath it. Not all mortuary rolls have illuminated frontispieces, but the Ebchester-Burnby roll includes elements common to many that do: three vertically ordered architectural registers, which begin with an image of the Heavenly Jerusalem, above scenes of the death of a prior with a soul being carried to heaven, and burial.[24]听Collectively, these prefatory images evoke the prayers and Masses considered crucial for expediting the soul鈥檚 journey through purgatory.[25]
The conventional format for the frontispiece allowed it to be altered and reused, and its separation from the signatures even when stored together is not uncommon.[26]听Other remarkable frontispieces demonstrate both the consistency of the register format鈥攆eaturing institutional and individual patron saints above a deathbed and/or funeral scene鈥攁nd the range of forms of depiction. The mortuary roll of Lucy de Vere, founder and prioress of the priory of St Cross and St Mary at Castle Hedingham (c.1225-1230), has one of the earliest surviving mortuary roll frontispieces: an image of the crucifixion and the Virgin, followed underneath by an image of Lucy de Vere鈥檚 soul being carried to heaven by two angels, and below it, a funeral.[27]听The mortuary roll from the Abbey of Saint-B茅nigne de Dijon (1439-1441) presents an image of the martyrdom of St B茅nigne above recumbent abbots Etienne de La Feuill茅e (1430-1434) and Pierre Brenot (1435-1438).[28]听Almost a century later, the extraordinary mortuary roll of John Islip, Abbot of Westminster (c.1532), features an image of Islip among labels naming his virtues, followed by images of his death, funeral, and chantry chapel.[29]听Putting aside debates about the Islip roll鈥檚 status as unfinished or preparatory, its drawings retain these longstanding iconographic elements common to mortuary roll frontispieces. The only part of Islip鈥檚 encyclical to survive is the decorated letter U (inhabited by a coronation) of听Universis, and on the right side an image of a monk passing a roll to a layman, perhaps intended to represent a roll bearer, whose role in the object鈥檚 facture is usually acknowledged in the encyclical text.[30]
Like frontispieces, encyclicals also adhered to a conventional format and formulaic language, often modelled on other obituary letters.[31]听The 鈥榮Conincs roll鈥檚 encyclical begins with a decorated letter inhabited by a Virgin and Child, announces the death of the Abbess Elisabeth, and includes the following request: 鈥榃e earnestly beseech you that you may favourably and kindly wish to receive the bearer of the present roll, namely Johannes Leonis, when he comes, so that we may reciprocate our gratitude to you and yours in similar circumstances鈥 (fig. 6.3). As servants of the dead, roll bearers may have been caricatured as vultures of death, but communities were expected to accommodate them.[32]听The making of the frontispiece, encyclical, and听tituli听at different times represents only some of the participants engaged in the making of the roll. Critically, it is important to acknowledge that at different stages in the assemblage of mortuary rolls, religious and lay men and women in elite and lower ranks collectively viewed, made, and handled parts of the roll, or played a part in these activities. They did so through material actions related to commissioning or illuminating the frontispiece and encyclical: collecting signatures, signing the roll, and also after signatures were collected through engaging in prayer.[33]听The 鈥榤aking鈥 of the roll did not end with its return to the abbey a year later, but continued through the celebration of anniversary Masses, the practice of which will be addressed later in this chapter.
Over time, the 鈥榮Conincs roll lost its original significance as a binding institutional record and as a constituent element of institutional memory. Forest Abbey was deliberately burned in 1582 and another fire took place in 1764 before the institution was finally suppressed in 1796, so although the mortuary roll survived it is not known precisely when it left the community and when its primary original function changed.[34]听By 1899 it was purchased from the sale of Henry Yates Thompson鈥檚 Ashburnham Appendix manuscripts where it entered the Crawford collection and eventually the Rylands, but there is a significant gap between the abbey鈥檚 suppression and the manuscript鈥檚 sale.[35]听It is not known why and how the 鈥榮Conincs roll survived unscathed. Questions remain about the roll鈥檚 visibility within the abbey around the time it was made, the physical contexts for its display, handling and storage in 1459, and its immediate aftermath. As previously suggested, it could have been in permanent storage, possibly periodically consulted, or it could have been unfurled and put on display occasionally for anniversary Mass celebrations dedicated to Abbess Elisabeth. The viewers (including makers and audiences) of mortuary rolls had no reason to record facts about use and display. Our knowledge about the historic visibility and forms of physical display, handling, and engagement of the 鈥榮Conincs roll may be limited, but broader conceptual considerations about it as a form can allow us to speculate on these matters.
Scrolls and Mortuary Rolls: Form and Physical Engagement
As a form, the roll has a long history, and its survival relates to the practical purposes that made it so necessary for certain kinds of contents. Most frequently referred to in Latin as a听rotulus听(roll or scroll), rolls preserved writing on a series of pieces of papyrus, parchment, or paper stitched or glued together, often wound around a roll holder (an听umbilicus); when unrolled, they could be horizontally or vertically read.[36]听Ancient Egyptian papyrus rolls preceded Greek and Roman rolls, with parchment rolls increasingly produced from the third century.[37]听Important early twentieth-century studies of the roll form describe the gradual transition from the roll of Antiquity to the codex of the Middle Ages, as the 鈥榯riumph鈥 of the codex over the roll in the fourth century.[38]听In his classic study听Illustrations in Roll and Codex, Kurt Weitzmann proposed that the codex brought with it the emancipation of the image from the text in the form of the frontispiece.[39]听Debates about the reasons behind the transition from roll to codex continued in the work of Colin Roberts, T.C. Skeat, and William Harris, but the tendency to promote the codex over the roll denigrated the roll format as if it were outmoded technology.[40]
More relevant to this chapter is the roll鈥檚 survival rather than its decline. By the later Middle Ages, the roll became the more established format for specific types of religious and secular texts. Michael Clanchy found 鈥榤ore history than logic鈥 in the range of document styles in the later Middle Ages, describing the variations as adaptations of materials and formats rather than planned innovations, adaptations that were part of 鈥榖ureaucratic routine鈥.[41]听Clanchy also identified the use of parchment in itself as an attempt to preserve words for posterity in the late Middle Ages, noting that 鈥榯o write on parchment was to make a lasting memorial 鈥 Parchment documents were valued in a way that no modern literate can appreciate.鈥[42]听He noted that in the twelfth century, the increase in popularity of the Latin term听rotulus听to describe a record in roll format implies that the roll became the more established form for specific types of texts, both religious and secular.[43]听In a world dominated by codices, but with other formats produced alongside, scholars have argued that the roll format had an 鈥榓rchaisising function鈥 and a 鈥榪uasi-public authority鈥 linked to its symbolic, functional purposes and official uses: special practical or legal, ceremonial or liturgical functions.[44]听More recent understandings assert that the purpose of a specific text dictated the choice of format.[45]听Mary Agnes Edsall has called for a rethinking of assumptions about the authoritative associations of the roll form, arguing for its ubiquity in the face of the ephemerality of smaller extra-official or non-official and non-luxury rolls.[46]听Debates about private versus public or congregational displays of different types of rolls have tended to settle into an understanding that medieval rolls were used for several distinct purposes and contexts: some legal and others liturgical; some private and intimate, yet others publicly displayed; some were intended to be more portable and ephemeral, yet others portable but permanent.[47]听Mortuary rolls test and transgress such neat and clear distinctions.
Conceptual and material affinities between mortuary rolls and other vertical rolls (transversa charta) such as official and private statute rolls, genealogical rolls, prayer and amuletic rolls, and Exultet rolls, can inform speculation about the mortuary roll鈥檚 potential uses and forms of display. Like statute rolls, mortuary rolls were binding documents, records of spiritual networks and promises of prayer exchange; like genealogical rolls, they confirmed spiritual and earthly inheritance and succession (of institutional leadership). They were designed to protect souls, like prayer rolls; in their request for collective prayers; they also possessed a liturgical function, like an Exultet roll. Although prayer rolls and textual amulets can be found in ancient cultures and were geographically widespread鈥攁nd genealogical rolls also have a long history鈥攖he production and survival of some rolls were not so common. Official governmental rolls (Exchequer and Chancery, Pipe Rolls) and private statute rolls were a unique form of legal administration in England. Exultet rolls were produced in Southern Italy from the tenth through the fourteenth centuries, and most mortuary rolls were made in central and northern France and Catalonia from the eighth century, with more widespread production found later in England, Belgium, Germany, and Austria.[48]听These four types of rolls were also used in different ways: consulted when needed, read or sung aloud in citing a claim, or deployed in a performative context.[49]
A consideration of the purposes of these four roll types鈥攕tatute, genealogical, prayer, and Exultet rolls鈥攁nd their potential forms of handling and engagement, is useful when speculating about possible engagement practices and contexts for the mortuary roll. First, the statute roll (statuta Angliae) was a genre of legal literature encompassing the compilation of statutes, royal documents, legal treatises, and other records written in Latin and Anglo-Norman French, produced in codex form, but also in many different physical and textual forms鈥攊ncluding roll forms鈥攆rom the late thirteenth century. Private or non-official statute rolls were produced for ecclesiastical and secular landowners, merchants, and lawyers up to the early fourteenth centuries in the form of stacks of parchment membranes arranged in archival order and stitched together at the head, like other legal rolls such as Exchequer rolls, rather than assembled head to foot in a continuous roll of substantial length, like genealogical, prayer, and Exultet rolls.[50]听The purpose of the genealogical roll was largely didactic, but also authoritative and consultative in its vertical tracing of the lineage of Christ, royalty, or nobility, and in the case of royal and aristocratic genealogies, could be linked to claims and rights to power; genealogies concurrently appeared in roll and codex forms throughout the Middle Ages.[51]
Like genealogical rolls, prayer rolls or amuletic rolls were also vertically read. They were protective or apotropaic objects: unrolled, visually examined, and read aloud; very occasionally placed around the abdomen during childbirth; rolled up and stored in containers; and suspended from chains and worn around the neck or in a pocket.[52]听Instructions contained in the roll directed forms of physical or tactile engagement.[53]听In this way, individuals used prayer rolls like Books of Hours: physical actions linked to devotional experience such as rubbing or marking could alter both books and rolls, but the flexible size and form of the prayer roll made possible a more corporeal, intimate experience in its physical binding to or wrapping around a part of the body. In some cases, drinking the watered-down ink taken from a prayer roll was thought to aid an affliction.[54]听The folding or rolling of a textual amulet made them bi-directional, both vertically and horizontally legible.[55]
Unlike the varied forms of physical engagement and handling associated with the types of rolls above, as liturgical texts intended for ceremonial display, Exultet rolls had one form: they were consistently collectively viewed by a congregation and designed for that purpose. Consisting of hymns and prayers, music, and images, Exultet rolls were used in the consecration of the Paschal candle in the Easter liturgy. A critical part of a larger ceremony, the Exultet roll was a performative object: as the deacon sang and unfurled the roll from an elevated pulpit, the images were often鈥攂ut not always鈥攊ntegrated upside down in the text, so that they appeared right side up before the congregation. Kelly links their survival and continuing manufacture through the nineteenth century to their status as extraordinarily precious and flexible objects, their form sumptuous and able to accommodate new texts or music.[56]
To a greater or lesser extent, performative dimensions underlie all of the above roll forms and perhaps this dimension played a part in their survival. We know that rolls existed alongside books, booklets, and folded pieces of parchment and paper throughout the late Middle Ages and beyond: representations of rolls point to this complementary coexistence. Skemer identifies perhaps the best visual depiction of this in the Workshop of Robert Campin鈥檚听Annunciation Triptych听(Merode Altarpiece) (c.1427鈥32), its partly unfurled prayer roll and Book of Hours occupying the Virgin鈥檚 table, signifying the popularity of both in private devotional practice.[57]听As symbols, when represented with books, rolls often represented the Old Testament or the Judaic foundations of Christianity. Rolls represented the ancient past and ruins in Eumnestes鈥檚 chamber in Spenser鈥檚听Faery Queen听(1590/6), where: 鈥榓ll was hangd about with rolls,/ And old records from ancient times derivd,/ Some made in books, some in long parchment scrolls,/ That were all worm-eaten and full of canker holes.鈥[58]听By 1600, the scroll remained a critical prop, a dramatic symbolic object, as in Christopher Marlowe鈥檚听Faustus听when he hands over to Satan (Mephistopheles) the 鈥榙eede of gift of body and of soule鈥, with its list of conditions read out loud: 鈥業 of necessitie, for here鈥檚 the scrowle, Wherein thou hast giuen thy soule to Lucifer.鈥[59]听These representations reveal the continued relevance of the roll form as temporal markers in late medieval and early modern works of literature and visual art, with the capacity to reference the authority and the legacy of the distant past, acts of everyday personal devotion in the present, authorised institutional or personal claims to ownership, or other forms of relationship to be perpetuated in the future. As charged symbols or as background clutter, as domestic objects regularly handled or as records gathering dust in storage, the roll form possessed a motility and range of applications which contributed to its historic tenacity as an object.
Visibility, Display and Storage
If these late medieval and early modern representations of different kinds of rolls characterised them in a variety of states and conditions that alluded to their handling or storage, it is important to consider their performative contexts and engagement practices as several rather than singular, and as varied and temporal rather than fixed. Similarly, the making and viewing of the 鈥榮Conincs roll entailed several contexts and agents, including the illumination of the frontispiece and the writing of the encyclical letter, the collection of signatures over the course of a year, and the practice of prayers after the roll was returned. However, it is a type of object without a continuous historical purpose or references to how it was viewed after signatures were collected.
Lacking the circumscribed liturgical purposes of Exultet rolls and the written instructions found in some prayer rolls, the 鈥榮Conincs roll calls for more expansive approaches in order to understand its viewing contexts after its return to Forest Abbey. An anachronistic or comparative historical approach can address the mortuary roll鈥檚 performative durational dimensions by expanding the range of potential forms of encounter with the roll. But unlike some anachronistic approaches that suggest that medieval and contemporary rolls or their museum display practices and contexts are analogous, I will use this approach, as Hal Foster suggests, 鈥榓s a vantage point from which to revise the (distant) past鈥.[60]听The 鈥榲antage point鈥 of the present does not pretend to diminish historical distance, but rather helps us to acknowledge how current display practices restrict viewing encounters to a single fixed view which focuses on textual and visual elements, rather than presenting them as mutable objects that were handled and encountered in a variety of ways. These fixed views of historic rolls stand in stark contrast to the more relaxed (although still regulated) environmental conditions of contemporary art galleries, which present the roll form as a three-dimensional object with particular material and aesthetic qualities, whether as an autonomous sculptural object or part of a larger installation. Reflection on the different display practices for medieval rolls and rolls in contemporary art helps us to acknowledge the differences between conventional contexts for encountering rolls in the present and in the past. Taking these differences into consideration, along with observations on the scale, purpose, and forms of handling and engagement of other medieval illuminated rolls, we can acknowledge the roll鈥檚 material, three-dimensional characteristics and its capacity for changing states (and multiple views) through unrolling, making it possible to propose a range of scenarios for collective engagement with the mortuary roll. In this section, therefore, observations on museum display practices for medieval rolls and for roll forms in contemporary art, followed by a discussion of forms of handling and viewing other medieval rolls, will inform my thoughts on potential viewing contexts and storage for the 鈥榮Conincs roll.
In their current contexts, most mortuary rolls sit in storage, no longer called upon to expedite souls through purgatory. They are assets valued for their material, historic, cultural, and economic characteristics rather than for their role in prayer exchange. They are physically unwieldy objects and few public institutions are in a position to dedicate enough space to display large sections of them on a long-term basis. Like any medieval manuscript, medieval rolls require stable environmental and material conditions provided by secure cases and galleries with controlled temperature, light, and humidity levels. Most mortuary rolls are displayed flat in standard cases that allow a small part of the roll to be shown, as was the case with the 鈥榮Conincs roll in听The Sparkle of Dust: Spotlight on the Rylands Archives听(John Rylands Library, 1997) and the mortuary roll of Amphelisa, Prioress of Lillechurch (c.1225-30), in听All Conquering Death听(St John鈥檚 College, Cambridge, 2012).[61]听Increasingly, other types of rolls with vertically progressing imagery such as genealogical rolls have been vertically displayed or mounted at an angle, as for example in听Royal Manuscripts: The Genius of Illumination听(British Library, 2011).[62]听Longer-term displays of medieval Western rolls include the vertical display of 迟丑别听Genealogica Christi听(c.1230) at the Cloisters in New York, and regularly changing views of parts of the Guthlac roll (1175-1215) in a generous table vitrine in听Treasures of the British Library听(Sir John Ritblat Gallery, British Library).[63]听More recently, in听COLOUR: The Art and Science of Illuminated Manuscripts听(Fitzwilliam Museum, 2016), the suspension and extension of a substantial part of the fifteenth-century Ripley alchemical scroll, supported by a specially designed mount, directed attention to the act of unfurling the roll.[64]
In an exhibition and an online database, the project听Medieval Scrolls at Harvard听(Houghton Library, Harvard University, 2014) explored the scroll/roll form鈥檚 continued use in the age of the codex.[65]听Viewed digitally, rolls are conventionally presented in codex-like sections and fragments, although more projects are underway to replicate scrolling through complete rolls.[66]听As part of this publication, for the first time the 鈥榮Conincs roll has been rendered into a single, scrollable digital roll, expanding its viewing networks and display contexts. However, all of these forms of display physically distance rolls from the viewer, rendering them static and visible only through glass or a screen. Apart from archivists and academics, few individuals encounter rolls as three-dimensional objects through physically handling them.
Stability and distance from human contact are necessary conditions for the preservation and survival of medieval rolls and for any vulnerable artefact or artwork. Conventionally, art galleries and museums rarely support audience interactions that take the form of moving, handling and manipulating historic objects unless they are part of the work or carefully regulated, or a facsimile is provided. From Adorno to Crimp, longstanding critiques of museums as mausolea鈥攊nstitutions that ossify artefacts through preservation and perpetual conservation in attempts to deny the nature of change and decay鈥攄raw attention to the impossibility of recontexualising artefacts when 鈥榦riginal contexts鈥 are not simply defined or singular.[67]听In Amy Knight Powell鈥檚 research on late medieval sculptures of the Deposition of Christ (crucifixes with moveable arms), with her application of the term 鈥榩romiscuous鈥 to describe objects that were regularly relocated and her understanding of them as 鈥榙ead鈥, she proposes that we understand their situation in a museum 鈥榣ess as a regrettable loss of their original context and 鈥渓ife鈥 than as a perfectly appropriate expression of their carefully engineered capacity to be taken down and to be put up again鈥.[68]听Powell鈥檚 terms are particularly appropriate for a mortuary roll: an itinerant object material in form, but ephemeral and intangible in its purpose of eliciting spiritual actions.
Like Deposition sculptures, the 鈥榮Conincs roll encouraged prayers and regularly changed its location and appearance, opening and closing during its period of facture, and now exists solely as a material object divorced from its earliest users. With belief in the quantitative efficacy of prayers no longer a conventional part of contemporary life, mortuary rolls are not only (like all museum artefacts) institutionally and culturally decontextualised, but they are also challenging to interpret in a definitive way. As a repository of prayer exchange, the mortuary roll brought together material and spiritual worlds through the compilation of tangible, signed promises, and the intangible activity of collective prayer. Collective prayer is a form of intangible cultural heritage, a category defined by UNESCO as the practices and knowledges of a culture and a field of study in itself.[69]听The preservation and presentation of intangible heritage is challenging for institutions not specifically designed for it; conventional display practices that fix to one place objects designed for movement unwittingly limit views of the material object, separating it from its intangible devotional uses and from any form of mobile handling, so that ultimately characteristics such as motility are lost, and its form is obscured.[70]听Thus, a vitrined display of a mortuary roll represents a fractional view of its material form, and nothing of its intangible activities (prayer conducted by prayer networks), rendering it now even more remote as an object with no contemporary presence or familiar purpose.
In contrast to this partial view of a defunct object, roll forms in contemporary art can provide another perspective on the 鈥榮Conincs roll鈥檚 durational and performative characteristics. Although obviously radically different to mortuary rolls, rolls in contemporary art works respond to the problem of the roll form鈥檚 mutability and performative dimensions because of their capacity to generate more intimate, time-based viewing experiences than are available in most museums displaying medieval manuscripts. Contemporary art galleries regularly facilitate closer encounters with artworks and support the realisation of artworks based on ephemeral and durational activity.[71]听Without protective elements such as glass frames, Perspex hoods and barriers, viewers experience greater physical access to paintings, sculptures, and installations. In this environment, roll forms can be more fully encountered as three-dimensional objects or as moveable performative elements. One of the most iconic performances to include a roll is Carolee Schneeman鈥檚听Interior Scroll听(1975), in which she slowly extracted a scroll from inside her body and read aloud from it. Another ephemeral artwork to incorporate rolls is Ian Breakwell鈥檚 performance听Unword听(1969/70), which featured the artist tearing through an installation of large rolls of suspended paper. Both performances were characterised by the temporality of their display, their durational and changing forms, and the capacity for rolls to be understood as extensions of and surrogates for the body.
The roll or scroll as body surrogate also features in work by the artists Fiona Banner, Gabriel Orozco, and Cornelia Parker, artworks that particularly resonate with several characteristics of the mortuary roll. Cornelia Parker鈥檚 installation听War Room听(2015) represented the bodies of the collective dead through absence, amassing the repetitive elements of identical, mechanical poppy-cuts in scrolls suspended from the ceiling and cascading down the walls (fig. 6.7). The installation commemorated past military deaths on a mass scale, but also collapsed time in its reference to the relentlessness of poppy production and war deaths in the present, past, and future.[72]听In Fiona Banner鈥檚 retrospective exhibition听Scroll Down and Keep Scrolling, her title piece, a single monumental scroll suspended from an extensive height presented a series of printed images of artworks, representing a body of work made over two decades and alluding to the body of the artist herself (figs 6.8 and 6.9).[73]
Unlike the large-scale work of Banner and Parker, Orozco鈥檚 anti-monumental presentation of both scrolls and their containers relates more closely to the body of the individual viewer, referring to the objects鈥 mutability and peripatetic states: rolled up and stored, rolled out and vertically suspended for viewing (fig. 6.10). Displayed on walls accompanied by numbered wooden and cardboard containers on tables in the centre of the gallery, Orozco鈥檚 abstract collages, made out of circular cuttings from听obi听(kimono sashes), flipped to show both the obverse and reverse side of the weave, imply a narrative of their movement between display and storage. They have been called 鈥榳aiting objects鈥, Orozco鈥檚 term for temporary objects suggestive of a ritual purpose or system of signals, but ultimately enigmatic.[74]
All of these works share a number of characteristics with the 鈥榮Conincs roll: their displays were temporary and collectively made for collective viewing; they were commemorative; they were not presented in vitrines, so they could be seen as three-dimensional objects with the capacity for movement; finally, and perhaps most importantly, they registered as body surrogates in different ways. In contrast to conventional presentations of historic manuscripts behind glass, these artworks share space with the viewer, revealing the distance between encounters with historic manuscripts in conventional museum displays and our capacity to imagine encounters with them in the contemporary medieval world. If we understand mortuary rolls as durational objects with performative dimensions, rather than as simple carriers of texts and images, we can come to think of them as body surrogates. Or, in order to recognise concepts of soul-body dualism, as body and soul surrogates, with the roll commemorating the abbess鈥檚 earthly achievements and marking her soul鈥檚 status in purgatory.[75]
Medieval Rolls and their Handling
Although other types of medieval rolls did not share the same commemorative purposes, they were also durational objects with performative dimensions. The greatest physical closeness to rolls comes with handling them, and information about the scale and viewing practices of the later medieval rolls mentioned earlier can provide more evidence relevant to speculations about the 鈥榮Conincs roll. Variations in the length of each type of roll are considerable, with some mortuary and prayer rolls as a long as twenty metres. However, it is their widths that are more distinct and critical to establishing the scale of the encounter, with prayer rolls and textual amulets the smallest, ranging in width from a little over one centimetre to around twenty centimetres; official and private statute rolls as well as genealogical rolls range in width from twenty to twenty-eight centimetres and wider; while Exultet rolls have an average width of around twenty-eight centimetres (27.85 cm), with lengths extending to over seventy centimetres (70.36 cm).[76]听Mortuary rolls vary in size from fifteen to twenty-seven centimeters wide.[77]听Individuals rather than large groups tended to consult statute rolls and prayer rolls.[78]听Statute rolls could be viewed either in private or in court to make a claim in land ownership disputes, and smaller prayer rolls and textual amulets could be read or worn for apotropaic purposes: either unrolled and read or worn, physically bound to the body, or worn rolled up and encased, suspended from a chain.[79]听Significantly larger in scale than most prayer rolls, Exultet rolls presented images to congregations through unrolling, vertical movements. As pedagogical tools intended to educate viewers about historical events, ancestral and familial lineage, and pedigree, genealogical rolls are largely thought to have been viewed on tables or desks by groups as well as by individuals, with an authoritative guide progressing through it in sections as it was unrolled.[80]
With all four of these roll types, the 鈥榮Conincs roll shares characteristics: it preserved and stored its claims to promised prayers as if they were a form of currency or property, like a statute roll; its purpose was to evoke spiritual power through prayer, like a prayer roll; it addressed a group and could have been used once a year, like an Exultet roll. In the frontispiece鈥檚 upper and lower registers, the 鈥榮Conincs roll also has an affinity with the vertical designs of genealogical rolls and prayer rolls, commemorating spiritual and earthly relationships and lineage in the representations of patron saints, nuns and priests.[81]听However, it is also different to these rolls: neither monumental nor intimate, neither wholly liturgical nor a bodily accessory, but a commemorative object that collapses time, bringing together past, present and future in its facture and use.
Of all of the 鈥榮Conincs roll鈥檚 differences with other roll types, the contrast between images and text in the frontispiece, encyclical, and its signatures is most pronounced. Its components could be viewed by an individual or a small group, but the size of its frontispiece鈥攕maller than an Exultet roll but similar in scale, and its potential separation from the roll鈥攕uggests it could have been displayed in a spatially restricted liturgical setting. The frontispiece鈥檚 trimmed top edge also suggests its unintentional loss through wear if the top edge was routinely affixed to a wall. When compared to the very worn first two membranes, the frontispiece and the encyclical, the membranes that follow appear less well-handled, which suggests that 迟丑别听tituli听were not frequently fully examined. Scholars have largely rejected speculations about the fixing to walls of most genealogical and听Arma Christi听rolls, because their images and texts are not large enough to register for viewers beyond an arm鈥檚 distance, and one might apply this thinking to mortuary rolls.[82]听Again, however, it is important to note that mortuary rolls differ in their collective construction and collective commemorative purpose, with initially separate and potentially detachable elements, and associations with anniversary Masses.[83]听The spiritual network鈥檚 collective prayers practised by groups and for groups suggest that the frontispiece may also have been viewed by a group. It is possible that the frontispiece alone could have been temporarily displayed near an altar, attached to a wall, or laid flat on another surface, occupying a role similar to a print nailed to a wall or the sculpted plaques commemorating the foundation of anniversary Masses in the Burgundian Netherlands.[84]听Set into walls near altars, such plaques share with mortuary rolls associations with commemoration, ritual and prayer exchange.
However, an image on parchment is not monumentally fixed in the same way as a foundation plaque. The expectation that sumptuous images must primarily have been on public or formal display restricts the range of possible engagement contexts. The modes of display discussed above encompass constricted vertical or horizontal views of scrolls secured under glass or digitally viewed on a screen, as opposed to the original鈥攙ariably suspended or potentially manipulated鈥攖emporary displays of the contemporary scroll and its status as a body/soul surrogate, evoking the simultaneous absence and presence of a body. Such forms of presentation free up viewing practices to include the visual or scopic, the performative and corporeal: ones that involve physical handling; reading alone or singing out loud to a group as performer; or looking at and listening to as viewer. Mortuary rolls therefore elicited several forms of engagement rather than solely one. Yet none of these scenarios includes the equally important idea of storage as display, a legitimate aspect of its history.
Thus my final point about the multiple modes of, and contexts for, physical and visual engagement with the 鈥榮Conincs roll considers the significance of its absence from view. It may have been collectively made and included in a Mass celebration, but even if it was displayed more than once a year, it must have been in storage most of the time. Critically, an object out of sight and in storage was not invisible in the Middle Ages. Even in institutions with libraries, late medieval records and manuscripts were often kept together with other liturgical objects; inventories and catalogues put them at the end of a long list often because of their formal differences, but in some cases, because of their special contents.[85]听As Pierre-Alain Mariaux鈥檚 insights into the functions of the treasury suggest, the treasury held objects with simultaneously terrestrial and celestial associations, serving as a threshold between visible and invisible worlds.[86]听The medieval treasury, and to a certain extent libraries too, contained a collection of donations and acquisitions that as a whole represented the religious and lay communities, forming a kind of memorial of institutional history. The 鈥榮Conincs roll may have been just such a memorial, representing an abbess important to Forest: this would in theory help account for its survival. Certain objects in treasuries were reused or transformed, and others conserved or preserved. Many of the highly valuable items in the treasury were there, Mariaux argues, because they were signs of something invisible.
The 鈥榮Conincs roll certainly encompasses signs of invisible actions. Portable and expandable, the mortuary roll addressed and involved nearly 400 religious communities over the course of its facture. By understanding the list of collective signatures as a register of future actions, all of the communities can be understood to fulfill the performative elements of the mortuary roll through the labour of prayer exchange. The roll therefore operates like a binding register, where prayers become both possessions and debts in the exchange: intangible, highly valuable forms of capital in a spiritual economy made material. The frontispiece represents this invisible activity, with the image of the dead abbess and her community both a witness to the collective signatures and a reference to ongoing, collective prayer once the roll was returned to the abbey.
It is tempting to assume that the 鈥榮Conincs roll鈥檚 frontispiece could only have been made to be displayed in a formal, devotional setting. Returning to its status as an expensive, deluxe image exhibiting characteristics of 鈥榦vert materiality鈥, the size and quality of the image, along with its extensive gilding, suggests that it was intended to be shown, with the enlarged liturgical elements emphasising aspects of Mass celebration.[87]听In a candlelit devotional setting, it would have had a spectacular presence, its reflective gold elements mirroring the liturgical instruments in the Mass.[88]听Its display near an altar during the Abbess Elisabeth鈥檚 anniversary Mass celebration connected her religious family in prayer to hundreds of other religious communities. However, the idea that the 鈥榮Conincs roll had to be displayed in a devotional context in order to register its visibility should not override the potential significance of its invisibility in storage in a treasury or a similar space, inhabiting a threshold between earthly and spiritual worlds. The roll had an intangible function as a collection of promised prayers and exchange, potentially consulted and displayed for anniversary celebrations, and stored again, like Exultet rolls. Winged altarpieces featuring donor portraits, such as those in Rogier van der Weyden鈥檚听Last Judgement听of the Beaune Altarpiece (c.1445鈥1450), present potential commemorative parallels with the 鈥榮Conincs roll and its changing states of visibility in regularly changing display contexts.[89]
As an obit, a commemorative image, and both the official record of and authoritative contract for perpetual networks of prayer, the 鈥榮Conincs roll is a rich, problematic object to interpret. Speculation about the mortuary roll鈥檚 forms of physical engagement and viewing practices, from its announcement of a death and requests for prayer exchange, to its return to the abbey where it could have been displayed to accompany prayer at a particular altar, or stored and protected, or both, suggests that there was no single viewing context.[90]听If we can consider the process of its making as part of its performance, then the roll鈥檚 journey and presentation to hundreds of other communities鈥攖he collection of signatures, its return, and ensuing prayer exchange鈥攃an all be understood to comprise original engagement contexts. After its return, it may also have been largely invisible, probably stored away for a longer period than it was viewed. By approaching the roll as a three-dimensional durational performative object, reflections on its temporality, portability, its momentary display and storage expand perspectives for viewing the mortuary roll in the present. Like any compelling memorial or commemorative work, the mortuary roll can be understood to represent absence, while at the same time functioning as a surrogate for the body of the Abbess and the collective dead. In short, the 鈥榮Conincs roll tests our preconceptions about modes of visibility and display being principally singular, visual, and collective and about the limits we place on the purposes we want images to serve.
听is Lecturer and Programme Director for the MA in Art Museum and Gallery Studies in the School of Museum Studies, University of Leicester. Publications include听Iconoclasm and the Museum听(Routledge, forthcoming 2020);听Iconoclasm: Contested Objects, Contested Terms听(Ashgate, 2007 with Richard Clay);听Striking Images: Iconoclasms Past and Present听(Ashgate, 2013; with Leslie Brubaker and Richard Clay). Curatorial collaborations include:听Wonder: Painted Sculpture from Medieval England听(Henry Moore Institute, 2002; with David Parks and Paul Williamson) and听Art under Attack: Histories of British Iconoclasm听(Tate Britain, 2013; with Tabitha Barber).
Citations
[1]听Don C. Skemer, 鈥楩rom Archives to the Book Trade: Private Statute Rolls in England, 1285鈥1307鈥,听Journal of the Society of Archivists听16:2 (1995): p. 193.
[2]听The roll is John Rylands University Library, Latin Manuscript 114, and was made between 1458 and 1459. The term 鈥榝acture鈥 used here references practices of making. See Therese Martin, 鈥楨xceptions and Assumptions: Women in Medieval Art History鈥, in Therese Martin (ed.),听Reassessing the Roles of Women as 鈥楳akers鈥 of Medieval Art and Architecture,听2 vols (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2012), pp. 1鈥37.
[3]听On prayer rolls, see Sonja Drimmer, 鈥楤eyond Private Matter: A Prayer Roll for Queen Margaret of Anjou鈥,听Gesta听53:1 (2014): pp. 95鈥120; Mary Agnes Edsall, 鈥Arma Christi听Rolls or Textual Amulets? The Narrow Roll Format Manuscripts of 鈥淥 Vernicle鈥濃,听Magic, Ritual and Witchcraft听9:2 (2014): pp. 178鈥205; Richard G. Newhauser and Arthur J. Russell, 鈥楳apping Virtual Pilgrimage in an Early Fifteenth-Century听Arma Christi听Roll鈥, in Lisa H. Cooper and Andrea Denny-Brown (eds),听The Arma Christi in Medieval and Early Modern Material Culture: With a Critical Edition of 鈥極 Vernicle鈥听(Farnham: Ashgate, 2014), pp. 83鈥112; K. Rudy, 鈥楰issing Images, Unfurling Rolls, Measuring Wounds, Sewing Badges and Carrying Talismans: Considering Some Harley Manuscripts through the Physical Rituals they Reveal鈥,听, article 5, accessed 1 April 2016. On genealogical rolls, see Alixe Bovey,听The Chaworth Roll: A Fourteenth-century Genealogy of the Kings of England听(London: Sam Fogg, 2005); Julian Luxford, 鈥業ntelligent by Design: The Manuscripts of Walter of Whittlesey, Monk of Peterborough鈥,听,听article 13, accessed 1 April 2016. On Exultet rolls, see Thomas Forrest Kelly,听The Exultet in Southern Italy听(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996). On relevant commemorative practices in communities of religious women, see Douglas Brine,听The Wall-Mounted Memorial in the Burgundian Netherlands听(Leiden: Brill, 2015); Brian Golding, 鈥樷淒esire for the Eternal Country鈥: the Laity and the Wider World of Monastic Prayer in Medieval England鈥, in Santha Bhattacharji, Rowan Williams, and Dominic Mattos (eds),听Prayer and Thought in Monastic Tradition: Essays in Honour of Benedicta Ward SLG听(London and New York: Bloomsbury T & T Clark, 2014), pp. 255鈥270; Daniel Sheerin, 鈥楽isters in the Literary Agon: Texts from Communities of Women on the Mortuary Roll of the Abbess Matilda of La Trinit茅, Caen鈥, in Laurie J. Churchill, Phyllis R. Brown and Jane E. Jeffrey (eds),听Women Writing Latin: From Roman Antiquity to Early Modern Europe, vol. 2,听Medieval Modern Women Writing Latin听(New York and London: Routledge, 2002), pp. 93鈥131. On collective authorship see Herbert Kessler,听Seeing Medieval Art, Rethinking the Middle Ages 1 (Peterborough, Ontario: Broadview Press, 2004); on collective authorship and the agency of women, see Therese Martin, 鈥楾he Margin to Act: A Framework of Investigation for Women鈥檚 (and Men鈥檚) Medieval Art-Making鈥,听Journal of Medieval History听42:1 (2016): pp.1鈥25, accessed 19 September 2017, doi:10.1080/03044181.2015.1107751; Martin,听Reassessing the Roles; see also Kathryn A. Smith, 鈥楳edieval Women are 鈥淕ood to Think鈥 With鈥 (review of Martin,听Reassessing the Roles, in听Journal of Art Historiography听9 (2013).
[4]听Anne D. Hedeman, 鈥楶erforming Documents and Documenting Performance in 迟丑别听Proc猫s de Robert d鈥橝rtois听(BnF MS fr. 18437) and Charles V鈥檚听Grandes chroniques de France听(BnF MS fr. 2813)鈥, in J. Coleman, M. Cruse and K. Smith (eds),听The Social Life of Illumination听(Turnhout: Brepols, 2013), pp. 339鈥369; Lynda Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls: Prayers for the Dead and Travel in Medieval England鈥,听:听pp. 187鈥223, accessed 1 May 2016; Sheerin, 鈥楽isters of the Literary鈥; Adrian Heathfield, 鈥楧urational Aesthetics鈥, in Beatrice von Bismarck et al. (eds),听Timing: On the Temporal Dimension of Exhibiting听(Berlin: Sternberg Press, 2014), pp. 135鈥150.
[5]听Jean Dufour,听Recueil des Rouleaux des Morts听(VIIIe听si猫cle- 1536), 5 vols (Paris: Acad茅mie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 2007); see also Jean Dufour,听Les Rouleaux des Morts听(Monumenta Palaeographica Medii Aevi: Series Gallica听SGAL 5), (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009); Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls鈥; Christopher Cheney, 鈥楾wo Mortuary Rolls from Canterbury: Devotional Links of Canterbury with Normandy and the Welsh March鈥, in D. Greenaway et al. (eds),听Tradition and Change: Essays in Honor of Marjorie Chibnall听(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 106.
[6]听Sheerin, 鈥楽isters of the Literary鈥, pp. 99鈥100, examines the mortuary roll of Matilda, Abbess of La Trinit茅, Caen (d. 1113). On literary signatures, see Monique听Goullet, 鈥楧e Normandie en Angleterre: Enqu锚te sur la Po茅tique de Trois Rouleaux Mortuaires鈥, in听Autour de Serlon de Bayeux: La Po茅sie Normande aux XIe-XIIe听si猫cles, Tabularia听(2016), accessed November 2017,听.
[7]听Andrew Cole, 鈥楽cribal Hermeneutics鈥, in Kellie Robertson and Michael Uebel (eds),听The Middle Ages at Work: Practicing Labor in Late Medieval England听(New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2004), pp. 185鈥192.
[8]听On monastic prayer exchange and reciprocity, see Golding, 鈥樷淒esire for the Eternal Country鈥濃, pp. 256鈥257. Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls鈥, pp. 195鈥199. Martha G. Newman, 鈥楲abor: Insights from a Medieval Monastery鈥, in Celia Chazelle et al. (eds),听Why the Middle Ages Matter: Medieval Light on Modern Injustice听(Abingdon and New York: Routledge, 2012), pp. 106-120.
[9]听Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls鈥, p. 196; Cheney, 鈥楾wo Mortuary Rolls鈥; N. Ker, 鈥楳ortuary briefs鈥,听Worcestershire Historical Society New Series听Miscellany听I (1960): pp. 53鈥59.
[10]听Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls鈥, p.187; on听libri memoriales, see Eva-Maria Butz and Alfons Zettler, 鈥楾he Making of the Carolingian听Libri Memoriales: Exploring or Constructing the Past?鈥, in Elma Brenner, Meredith Cohen and Mary Franklin-Brown (eds),听Memory and Commemoration in Medieval Culture听(Farnham, Ashgate,听2013), pp. 79; Stacy Boldrick, 鈥楢n Encounter between Death and an Abbess: The Mortuary Roll of Elisabeth 鈥榮Conincs, Abbess of Forest (Manchester, John Rylands Library, Lat. Ms. 114)鈥,听Bulletin of the John Rylands Library听82:1 (Summer 2000): pp. 29鈥48; David Rollason et al. (eds),听The Durham Liber Vitae听and its Context听(Woodbridge: Boydell and Brewer, 2004). See also Rolf听de听Weijert,听Kim Ragetli,听Arnoud-Jan Bijsterveld and听Jeannette听van听Arenthals (eds),听Living Memoria:听Studies听in听Medieval听and听Early Modern Memorial Culture听in听Honour听of Truus听van听Bueren,听Middeleeuwse Studies听en听Bronnen听137 (Verloren:听Hilversum, 2011); N. Huyghebaert,听Les Documents N茅crologique, Typologie des Sources du Moyen 脗ge Occidental, 4 (Turnhout: Brepols, 1972).
[11]听Dufour,听Recueil des Rouleaux; Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls鈥.
[12]听H. Beyer, G. Signori and S. Steckel (eds),听Bruno the Carthusian and his Mortuary Roll: Studies, Text, and Translations听(Turnhout: Brepols, 2014); Jean Dufour, 鈥楲e Rouleau des Morts de Saint Bruno鈥,听Comptes Rendus des S茅ances de l鈥橝cad茅mie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres听147:1 (2003): pp. 5鈥26.
[13]听Ker, 鈥楳ortuary briefs鈥; Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls鈥, pp. 193鈥194.
[14]听On private masses, see A. Angendendt, 鈥Missa specialis. Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Entstehung der Privatmessen鈥,听Fr眉hmittelalterliche Studien听17 (1983); on anniversary Masses, see Miri Rubin,听Corpus Christi: The Eucharist in Late Medieval Culture, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), p. 50, 153.
[15]听Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls鈥, pp. 193鈥196. St John Hope, 鈥楾he Obituary Roll鈥, pp. 42鈥43.
[16]听M.R. James,听A Descriptive Catalogue of the Latin Manuscripts in the John Rylands Library at Manchester, reprinted with an introduction and additional notes and corrections by F. Taylor (Munich: Kraus Reprint, 1980), pp. 201-10; Boldrick, 鈥楢n Encounter between Death and an Abbess鈥; Dufour,听Recueil des Rouleaux听4:354. It is briefly mentioned in Paul Binski,听Medieval Death: Ritual and Representation听(London: British Museum Press, 1996), p. 31.
[17]听C. Bronk Ramsey, T. H. F. Higham, D. C. Owen, A. W. G. Pike, and R. E. M. Hedges, 鈥楻adiocarbon dates from the Oxford AMS system: Archaeometry Datelist 31鈥,听Archaeometry听44:3 (2002): pp. 1鈥149.
[18]听The date of death is recorded on the roll as听xiiij kalends Augusti, or 19 July; later sources mistakenly identify the date as 19 August; see 鈥楲iste des Abbesses de la noble Abbaye de Forest鈥, in听La Vie et les Miracles de Ste. Alene, Vierge et Martyre听(Brussels: J. L. de Boubers, 1783), pp. 75鈥82. Leonis鈥檚 four return journeys from Brussels incorporated the following routes: Ghent, Maastricht, Liege; Utrecht, Cologne, Bonn, Aachen, Namur; Lille, Bruges, St-Omer, Ghent; Nivelles, Braine, Brussels.
[19]听Detached frontispieces are more common than detached encyclicals, which are often accompanied by听tituli听on both sides of the membrane. Although mortuary rolls share the same basic format, as the research of Dufour and Rollason suggests, variations in forms of assemblage and survival, along with the regular reuse or archiving of rolls, make it difficult to confirm the separation of both the 鈥榮Conincs roll鈥檚 frontispiece and/or encyclical letter from its signature membranes based solely on the signatures beginning on the back of the third membrane.
[20]听The surface damage does not suggest specific targeting of individual faces or areas of the character discussed in Rudy, 鈥楰issing Images鈥, and Eamon Duffy,听Marking the Hours:听English People and Their Prayers, 1240-1570听(New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011). The figures also do not take the form of donor portraits; Alexa Sand,听Vision, Devotion, and Self-Representation in Late Medieval Art听(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2014).
[21]听Josef Jungmann,听Missarum Sollemnia: Eine genetische Erkl盲rung der r枚mischen Messe, 5th听edn, 2 vols (Vienna: Herder, 1962). On death ritual, see Bruce Gordon and Peter Marshall (eds),听The Place of the Dead: Death and Remembrance in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe听(Cambridge: University of Cambridge, 2000); Binski,听Medieval Death; on deathbed iconography in mortuary rolls and other manuscripts, see Boldrick, 鈥楢n Encounter鈥, pp. 44鈥47.
[22]听On the frontispiece as idealised vision, see Hedeman, 鈥楶erforming Documents鈥, p. 343.
[23]听Kessler,听Seeing Medieval Art, p. 19; Caroline Walker Bynum,听Christian Materiality: An Essay on Religion in Late Medieval Europe听(New York: Zone Books, 2011), pp. 53鈥82.
[24]听Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls鈥, pp. 188鈥192.
[25]听Jacques Le Goff,听The Birth of Purgatory, trans. A. Goldhammer (London and Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1984); B. P. McGuire, 鈥楶urgatory, the Communion of Saints and Medieval Change鈥,听Viator听20 (1989); Patrick J. Geary,听Living with the Dead in the Middle Ages听(Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1994), pp. 77鈥94.
[26]听Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls鈥, p. 188, 193鈥194, 215. St John Hope, 鈥楾he Obituary Roll鈥, pp. 45鈥51.
[27]听The roll is now British Library, MS Egerton 2849. See 鈥楧etailed record for Egerton 2849, Mortuary roll of Lucy, foundress and first prioress of the Benedictine nunnery of Castle Hedingham, with听tituli听(responsive prayers) 1鈥6鈥,听British Library Catalogue of Illuminated Manuscripts, accessed 7 July 2016,听.
[28]听The roll is now in Biblioth猫que municipale de Troyes, MS 2256. See Lucien Morel-Payen and Emile Dacier (eds),听Les plus beaux manuscrits et les plus belles reliures de la Biblioth猫que de Troyes听(Troyes: Paton, 1935), pp. 152鈥153; Dufour, 鈥楲e rouleau des morts鈥, p. 8; 鈥楾royes, BM, 2256鈥,听Initiale: Catalogue des manuscrits enlumin茅s, accessed 13 May 2019,听.
[29]听Matthew Payne, 鈥楾he Islip Roll Reexamined鈥,听The Antiquaries Journal, 97 (September 2017), accessed 13 October 2017, doi:10.1017/S0003581517000245; John Goodall, 鈥楾he Jesus Chapel or Islip鈥檚 Chantry at Westminster Abbey鈥,听Journal of the British Archaeological Association, 164:1 (2011): pp. 260鈥276; Dufour,听Recueil des Rouleaux听4: p. 457; W. H. St John Hope, 鈥楾he Obituary Roll of John Islip, Abbot of Westminster, 1500鈥1532, with Notes on Other English Obituary Rolls鈥,听Vetusta Monumenta听7:4 (1906).
[30]听St John Hope, 鈥楾he Obituary Roll鈥, p. 50.
[31]听Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls鈥, pp. 195鈥196. St John Hope, 鈥楾he Obituary Roll鈥, p. 40.
[32]听See O. Bled, 鈥楲es听rotuli听et les听rolligeri听de l鈥檃bbaye de Saint Bertin 脿 Saint-Omer鈥,听Bulletin philologique et historique de Comit茅 des traveaux historiques听(1900): pp. 401鈥412 and A. Molinier,听Les obituaries fran莽ais au moyen 芒ge听(Paris: Imprimerie nationale, 1890), p. 43. Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls鈥, notes the community鈥檚 responsibility to accommodate roll bearers; providing shelter and sustenance and in some cases financial support, pp. 197鈥198.
[33]听Sheerin, 鈥楽isters of the Literary鈥, pp. 98 describes the mortuary roll鈥檚 textual elements as 鈥榩erformative and of performance鈥 in their explicit public purposes and duties, and related claims to and assertions of confraternal rights and prestige. On prayer exchange and performance, see Golding, 鈥樷淒esire for the Eternal Country鈥, pp. 256鈥269. On collective making, see Kessler,听Seeing Medieval Art; Martin,听Reassessing the Roles.
[34]听A. Despy-Meyer, 鈥楢bbaye de Forest鈥, in U. Berli猫re et al. (eds),听Monasticon Belge听(Li猫ge and Abbaye de Maredsous: Centre National de Recherches 脿 Histoire Religieuse, 1890鈥1970) vol. iv, pt. 1 (1964): pp. 189颅颅颅鈥217, p. 205. On the abbey, see Georges Despy, 鈥楿n prieur茅 dans la banlieu rurale de Bruxelles: les B茅n茅dictines de Forest du d茅but du XIIe au milieu du XIIIe si猫cle鈥,听Cahiers bruxellois听XXXV (1995-1996): pp. 1鈥42 and Edgar de Marneffe,听Cartulaire de l鈥橝bbaye d鈥橝fflighem et des Monast猫res qui en D茅pendaient, 5 vols (Leuven: Peeters, 1894鈥1901).
[35]听N. Barker,听Bibliotheca Lindesiana听(London: Bernard Quaritch, 1978), p. 342.
[36]听Pamela Robinson, 鈥楾he Format of Books: Books, Booklets and Rolls鈥, in Nigel J. Morgan and Rodney M. Thomson (eds),听The Cambridge History of the Book in Britain听(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), p. 43; Kelly,听The Exultet, p. 12; Skemer, 鈥楩rom Archives to the Book Trade鈥, pp. 197-8; Michael Clanchy,听From Memory to Written Record: England 1066鈥1307, 2nd edn (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), pp. 135鈥144; L. W. Daly, 鈥Rotuli: Liturgy Rolls and Formal Documents鈥,听Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies听14 (1973): pp. 333鈥338.
[37]听See Colin H. Roberts, 鈥楾he Codex,鈥櫶Proceedings of the British Academy听40 (1954): pp. 169鈥204; Colin H. Roberts and T. C. Skeat,听The Birth of the Codex听(Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1987); William V. Harris, 鈥榃hy Did the Codex Supplant the Book-Roll?鈥 in John Monfasani and Ronald G. Musto (eds),听Renaissance Society听and Culture: Essays in Honor of Eugene F. Rice听(New York: Italica, 1991), pp. 71鈥85; Skemer, 鈥楩rom Archives to the Book Trade鈥; Don C. Skemer, 鈥楢mulet Rolls and Female Devotion in the Late Middle Ages鈥,听Scriptorium听55 (2001): 197鈥227; Don C. Skemer, Binding Words: Textual Amulets in the Middle Ages听(University Park: Penn State Press, 2006); Kelly,听The Exultet, p. 12.
[38]听See Kurt Weitzmann,听Illustrations in Roll and Codex: A Study of the听Origin and Method of Text Illustration听(Princeton: University Press, 1970 [1947]); Roberts, 鈥楾he Codex鈥; Harris, 鈥榃hy Did the Codex Supplant鈥. The term 鈥榯riumph鈥 appears in Skemer, 鈥楢mulet Rolls鈥, p. 2 and Jeffrey Hamburger, 鈥極penings鈥, in Gregory Kratzmann (ed.),听Imagination, Books and Community in Medieval Europe: Papers of a Conference Held at the State Library of Victoria, Melbourne, Australia 29鈥31 May 2008听(South Yarra, Victoria: Macmillan Art Publishers, 2009), p. 70.
[39]听Weitzmann,听Roll and Codex; John Williams (ed.),听Imaging the Medieval Bible听(University Park, PA: Penn State University Press, 1999), challenges Weitzmann鈥檚 archetypes on pp. 4鈥7.
[40]听Roberts and Skeat,听The Birth of the Codex; Harris, 鈥榃hy Did the Codex Supplant鈥.
[41]听Clanchy,听From Memory,听p. 144.
[42]听Clanchy,听From Memory, p. 145. Richard H. Rouse, 鈥楻oll and Codex: The Transmission of the Works of Reinmar von Zweter鈥, in Gabriel Silagi (ed.),听P盲laographie 1981: Colloquium des Comit茅 International de Pal茅ographie, M眉nchen, 15-18 September 1981, M眉nchener Beitr盲ge zur Medi盲vistik und Renaissance-Forschung 32 (Munich: Arbeo-Gesellschaft, 1982) emphasises the roll鈥檚 ephemerality, portability and economy of cost and scale, but William D. Paden, 鈥楻oll versus Codex: The Testimony of Roll Cartularies鈥,听Rivista di Studi Testuali听6鈥7 (2004鈥2005) argues that rolls were also made to be as permanent as books, and could be large, expensive and less portable.
[43]听Clanchy,听From Memory, p. 135鈥136. Robinson, 鈥楾he Format of Books鈥, pp. 43鈥45; Ernst C. W. Wattenbach,听Das Schriftwesen im Mittelalter, 3rd听edn (Leipzig, S. Hirzel, 1896).
[44]听Skemer, 鈥楩rom Archives to the Book Trade鈥, p. 198; Kelly,听The Exultet, p. 14; Edsall, 鈥Arma Christi听Rolls鈥, p. 198.
[45]听Robinson, 鈥楾he Format of Books鈥, pp. 45.
[46]听Edsall, 鈥Arma Christi听Rolls鈥, pp. 196鈥197.
[47]听See Robinson, 鈥楾he Format of Books鈥, pp. 44鈥45; and Edsall, 鈥Arma Christi听Rolls鈥, pp. 180鈥182.
[48]听Kelly,听The Exultet, pp. 16鈥17. Dufour,听Recueil des Rouleaux, vol. 1, p. VII; Rollason, 鈥楳edieval Mortuary Rolls鈥, p. 211, n. 70 notes that mortuary rolls were not circulated in Ireland, Italy, Portugal, Castile or in Catalonia after the beginning of the twelfth century, although the reason for this is not known.
[49]听Clanchy,听From Memory,听pp. 137鈥144; Kelly,听The Exultet, pp. 3鈥11, 20鈥29, 104鈥113. Skemer, 鈥楩rom Archives to the Book Trade鈥, pp. 198鈥200.
[50]听Skemer, 鈥楩rom Archives to the Book Trade鈥, p. 194. Skemer calls private statute rolls 鈥榯he best evidence of the open borders between archives and books鈥.
[51]听Studies of genealogical rolls concerned with the relationship between design and form include Luxford, 鈥業ntelligent by Design鈥, pp. 1鈥33; O. de Laborderie, 鈥楾he First Manuals of English History: Two Late Thirteenth-Century Genealogical Rolls of the Kings of England in the Royal Collection鈥,听Electronic British Library Journal听(2014), article 4, accessed 3 April 2016,听;听W. H. Monroe, 鈥楾hirteenth- and Early Fourteenth-century Illustrated Genealogical Manuscripts in Roll and Codex: Peter of Poitiers鈥櫶Compendium, Universal Histories and Chronicles of the Kings of England鈥 (Unpublished PhD Diss., University of London, 91自拍 Institute of Art, 1990). On the didactic purpose of the genealogical roll see Bovey,听The Chaworth Roll; Olivier de Laborderie, 鈥楢 New Pattern for English History: The First Genealogical Rolls of the Kings of England鈥, in听Raluca L. Radulescu and Edward Donald Kennedy (eds),听Broken Lines, Genealogical Literature in Medieval Britain and France听(Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), pp. 45鈥61; Robert A. Rouse, 鈥業nscribing Lineage: Writing and Rewriting the Maude Roll鈥, in Stephanie Hollis and Alexandra Barratt (eds), in听Migrations: Medieval Manuscripts in New Zealand听(Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2007), pp. 108鈥122; Margaret Lamont, 鈥樷淕enealogical鈥 History and the English Roll鈥, in Henry Kelly (ed.),听Medieval Manuscripts, Their Makers and Users: A Special Issue of听Viator听in Honor of Richard and Mary Rouse听(Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), accessed 12 May 2016,听. On prayer rolls assimilating features of genealogical rolls, see Drimmer, 鈥楤eyond Private Matter鈥, pp. 107鈥113.
[52]听See Don C. Skemer,听Binding Words; Robinson, 鈥楾he Format of Books鈥, pp. 44鈥45 and Edsall, 鈥Arma Christi听Rolls鈥, pp. 178鈥188; Newhauser and Russell, 鈥楳apping Virtual Pilgrimage鈥, pp. 83鈥84. On birth girdles see in this volume Katherine Hindley,听鈥樷淵f A Woman Travell Wyth Chylde Gyrdes Thys Mesure Abowte Hyr Wombe鈥: Reconsidering the English Birth Girdle Tradition鈥听.
[53]听Drimmer, 鈥楤eyond Private Matter鈥, pp. 101鈥102; Edsall, 鈥Arma Christi听Rolls鈥, pp. 199鈥205; Rudy, 鈥楰issing Images鈥, p. 1; Skemer,听Binding Words, pp. 259鈥268; Katherine Rudy, 鈥業mages, Rubrics and Indulgences on the Eve of the Reformation鈥, in C. Brusati, Karl A.E. Enenkel, and Walter S. Melion (eds),听The Authority of the Word: Reflecting on Image and Text in Northern Europe, 1400-1700听(Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2011), pp. 443鈥479. See also Duffy,听Marking the Hours; Anne Rudolf Stanton, 鈥楾urning the Pages: Marginal Narratives and Devotional Practice in Gothic Prayerbooks鈥 in Sarah Blick and Laura D. Gelfand (eds)听Push Me, Pull You: Imaginative, Emotional, Physical, and Spatial Interaction in Late Medieval and Renaissance Art听(Boston: Brill, 2011), pp. 75鈥121; and Laura D. Gelfand, 鈥業llusionism and Interactivity: Medieval Installation Art, Architecture and Devotional Response鈥, in Blick et al. (eds),听Push Me, pp. 85鈥116.
[54]听Skemer,听Binding Words, p. 137.
[55]听Skemer,听Binding Words, p. 139.
[56]听Kelly,听The Exultet, pp. 6鈥7.
[57]听Skemer,听Binding Words, pp. 272鈥276.
[58]听Clanchy,听From Memory, p. 143. Spenser, Book II, canto ix, verse 57.
[59]听鈥scroll, n.鈥櫶OED Online. Oxford University Press, accessed 28 May 2016,听.听The OED references the word鈥檚 1593 appearance in Christopher Marlowe,听The Tragicall History of D. Faustus, 1st edition (London: V. S. for Thomas Bushell, 1604).
[60]听Hal Foster, 鈥楶reposterous Timing鈥,听London Review of Books听34:21 (8 November 2012). See Amy Knight Powell,听Depositions, n. 4, p. 268 and Fred Orton et al. (eds),听Fragments of History: Rethinking the Ruthwell and Bewcastle Monuments听(Manchester: Manchester University Press), p.67. See Alexander Nagel and Christopher S. Wood,听Anachronic Renaissance听(New York: Zone Books, 2010) and Alexander Nagel,听Medieval Modern: Art Out of Time听(New York: Zone Books, 2012); Keith Moxey,听Visual Time: The Image in History (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 2013); Asa Simon Mittman and Susan M. Kim, 鈥楲ocating the Devil 鈥Her鈥 in MS Junius 11鈥,听Gesta听54:1 (2015): pp. 3鈥25.
[61]听The Amphelisa roll is now St John鈥檚 College, Cambridge, MS 271/N.31. No catalogue or other documentation was produced for听The Sparkle of Dust; my thoughts here rely on personal communication with the Rylands鈥 Joint Head of Special Collections, Stella Halkyard. 鈥楾he Mortuary Roll of Amphelisa Prioress of Lillechurch鈥, accessed 12 April 2016,听;听C. E. Sayle, 鈥楾he Mortuary Roll of Amphelisa Prioress of Lillechurch in Kent鈥,听Proceedings of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society听10 (1901鈥1902): pp. 383鈥410.
[62]听Catalogue entries 117 and 118,听Genealogical Chronicle of the English Kings听(British Library, Royal 14 B. v and vi), in Scot McKendrick, John Lowden and Kathleen Doyle (eds),听Royal Manuscripts: The Genius of Illumination听(London: British Library, 2011), pp. 344鈥347.
[63]听The Guthlac roll is now British Library, Harley Roll Y 6.
[64]听This roll is Fitzwilliam Museum MS 276. I am grateful to John Lancaster for information about his design methods. Catalogue entry 25, in Stella Panayotova, Deirdre Jackson, and Paola Ricciardi (eds),听Colour: The Art听&听Science听of Illuminated Manuscripts听(London:听Harvey Miller Publishers, 2016), pp. 115-117; on the mount designed by Lancaster, see note p. 10.
[65]听Medieval Scrolls Digital Archive, accessed 26 April 2016,听.
[66]听See the project 鈥楻olling History鈥, accessed 1 December 2017,听. Other digital projects include the Canterbury Roll Project (Christchurch, University of Canterbury, MS 1), accessed 1 December 2017, http://canterburyroll.canterbury.ac.nz/.
[67]听Douglas Crimp,听On the Museum鈥檚 Ruins听(Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1993), pp. 44鈥45 and 54鈥56. Crimp cites Theodor W. Adorno, 鈥榁al茅ry Proust Museum鈥,听Prisms, (trans.) Samuel and Sherry Weber (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1996), pp. 175鈥185. See also Catherine Lui, 鈥楢rt Escapes Criticism, or Adorno鈥檚 Museum鈥,听Cultural Critique听60 (Spring 2005): pp. 217鈥244.
[68]听Amy Knight Powell,听Depositions, p. 17.
[69]听鈥楾ext of the Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage鈥, accessed 1 December 2017,听. On intangible heritage, see Simon Knell, 鈥楾he Intangibility of Things鈥, in Sandra Dudley (ed.),听Museum Objects听(London: Routledge, 2012), 324鈥335, and Sandra Dudley, 鈥業ntroduction鈥, in Sandra Dudley (ed.),听Museum Materialities: Objects, Engagements, Interpretations听(London: Routledge, 2013).
[70]听Sandra Dudley, 鈥業ntroduction to Part I鈥, in Dudley (ed.),听Museum Objects, pp. 19鈥21; Chris Dorsett, 鈥楾hings and Theories: The Unstable Presence of Exhibited Objects鈥 in Sandra Dudley et al. (eds),听The Thing about Museums: Objects and Experience, Representation and Contestation听(London: Routledge, 2012), pp. 100鈥116. Note also Andrew Cole, 鈥楾hose Obscure Objects of Desire: on the Uses and Abuses of Object-Oriented Ontology and Speculative Realism鈥,听Artforum听(2015): pp. 318鈥323; Andrew Cole, Kerstin Stakemeier, and Christopher Wood in Emily Apter et al. (eds), 鈥楺uestionnaire on Materialisms鈥,听October听155 (2016): pp. 23鈥5, 98鈥100, 105鈥7.
[71]听Claire Bishop, 鈥楶erformative Exhibitions: The Problem of Open-endedness鈥, in von Bismarck et al. (eds),听Timing, pp. 222鈥223, 252鈥253. Heathfield, 鈥楧urational Aesthetics鈥, pp. 140鈥143.
[72]听Linda Pittwood, 鈥楾he Big Interview: Cornelia Parker鈥,听The Double Negative听(18/02/15), accessed 23 March 2016,听
[73]听The artwork also takes the form of a codex in听Fiona Banner:听Scroll Down and Keep Scrolling听(London: The Vanity Press in association with Ikon Gallery, Birmingham and Kunsthalle Nuremberg, 2015); the title refers to both a subject (which Banner describes as 鈥榮omething endless鈥) and to an action (鈥榯he act of looking back historically鈥), rather than to digital scrolling as in Graham Harwood鈥檚 work听Uncomfortable Proximity听(2000), accessed 14 March 2016,听.
[74]听Briony Fer, 鈥極ne Inside the Other Down to Emptiness鈥,听Gabriel Orozco: Rotating Objects听(New York: Marian Goodman Gallery, 2016), pp. 115鈥128. On Orozco鈥檚 鈥榳aiting objects鈥, see Margaret Iversen, 鈥楻eadymade, Found Object, Photograph鈥,听Art Journal, 63:2 (2004): pp. 54鈥57. The scroll form also appears in Orozco鈥檚听Dial Tone, 1992.
[75]听On the performative aspects of mortuary rolls, see Sheerin, 鈥楽isters of the Literary鈥, pp. 98鈥100; Caroline Walker Bynum, 鈥楳aterial Continuity, Personal Survival and the Resurrection of the Body: A Scholastic Discussion in Its Medieval and Modern Contexts鈥, in听Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body in Medieval Religion听(New York: Zone Books, 1991), pp. 242, 247鈥297. Heathfield, 鈥楧urational Aesthetics鈥, p. 142, describes the aesthetics of duration as an 鈥榚ntanglement鈥 and a 鈥榩erturbance鈥 which 鈥榪uestion notions and senses of passage, succession and continuity鈥.
[76]听Drimmer, 鈥楤eyond Private Matter鈥, p. 100鈥103; Edsall, 鈥Arma Christi听Rolls鈥, pp. 199鈥205. See Kelly,听The Exultet, Table 13, p. 175; Exultet rolls range in width from 20 cm to 47.5 cm, but most illuminated rolls from southern Italy are between 27 cm and 33 cm.
[77]听Kelly,听The Exultet, pp. 16鈥17.
[78]听However, see Drimmer, 鈥楤eyond Private Matter鈥, pp. 113鈥118, on larger-scale prayer rolls and collective viewing.
[79]听Dufour,听Les Rouleaux, p. 135; Edsall, 鈥Arma Christi听Rolls鈥, pp. 196鈥204.
[80]听Melanie Holcomb, 鈥楾he听Compendium of History through the Genealogy of Christ听by Peter of Poitiers鈥, in Melanie Holcomb (ed.),听Pen and Parchment: Drawing in the Middle Ages听(New Haven and London, Yale University Press, 2009), cat. 31, p. 116 notes contemporary scholars鈥 departure from the 鈥榗lassroom wall鈥 display view proposed by J. Lebeuf,听Dissertation sur l鈥檋istoire eccl茅siastique et civile de Paris听(Paris: Lambert et Durand, 1741), vol. 2, p. 133 and cited and discussed in Monroe, 鈥楾hirteenth- and Early Fourteenth-century鈥, pp. 39鈥47; Robinson, 鈥楾he Format of Books鈥, p. 44. On the potential display of a prayer roll in pageant celebrations such as an entry ceremony, see Drimmer, 鈥楤eyond Private Matter鈥, pp. 113鈥118.
[81]听See for example the double register featuring a Trinity and bishop in membrane 1 of the prayer roll of Henry VIII (British Library, Additional 88929), in McKendrick,听Royal Manuscripts, catalogue entry 44, pp. 186鈥187.
[82]听Holcomb, 鈥楾he听Compendium鈥, p. 116. It is accepted that genealogical rolls were publicly displayed, but in other ways.
[83]听See Robinson, 鈥楾he Format of Books鈥, pp. 44鈥45 and Edsall, 鈥Arma Christi听Rolls鈥, pp. 180鈥182.
[84]听See Hans Belting,听Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art,听trans. Edmund Jephcott (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), p. 257. See especially Brine,听Pious Memories, pp. 132鈥177.
[85]听Kelly,听The Exultet, p. 15 and p. 29; Clanchy,听From Memory, pp. 156鈥157. On objects in treasuries, see also Erik Inglis, 鈥楨xpertise, Artifacts, and Time in the 1534 Inventory of the Saint-Denis Treasury鈥,听Art Bulletin听98 (2016): pp.14鈥42.
[86]听P. A. Mariaux, 鈥楥ollecting (and Display)鈥, in C. Rudolph (ed.),听A Companion to Medieval Art: Romanesque and Gothic in Northern Europe听(Oxford: Blackwell, 2006), pp. 222鈥223; Jeffrey F. Hamburger, 鈥楤ody vs. Book: The Trope of Visibility in Images of Christian-Jewish Polemic鈥, in David Ganz, Thomas Lentes and Georg Henkel (eds),听脛sthetik des Unsichtbaren: Bildtheorie und Bildgebrauch in der Vormoderne,听Kultbild: Visualit盲t und Religion in der Vormoderne, vol. 1 (Berlin: Reimer, 2004), pp. 113鈥145; Jeffrey Hamburger, 鈥楽peculations on Speculation: Vision and Perception in the Theory and Practice of Mystical Devotion鈥 in Walter Haug and Wolfram Schneider-Lastin (eds),听Deutsche Mystik im abendl盲ndischen Zusammenhang听(T眉bingen: Niemeyer, 2000), pp. 353鈥408. See also Julian Luxford, 鈥楨nglish Medieval Tombs as Forensic Evidence鈥,听Church Monuments听24 (2009): pp. 7鈥25.
[87]听Kessler,听Seeing Medieval Art, p. 19; Bynum,听Christian Materiality, pp. 53鈥62.
[88]听Bynum,听Christian Materiality, pp. 268-273, notes the increasingly paradoxical 鈥榮imultaneous embracing and rejecting of material religiosity鈥 in northern European attitudes toward material devotional objects from 1300 to 1500.
[89]听Barbara G. Lane, 鈥Requiem aeternam dona eis: The Beaune听Last Judgment听and the Mass of the Dead鈥,听Simiolus: Netherlands Quarterly for the History of Art, 19:3 (1989); Bynum,听Christian Materiality, pp. 105鈥112.
[90]听Madeleine Caviness,听Reframing Medieval Art: Difference, Margins, Boundaries听(Tufts University electronic book, 2001), accessed 15 May 2016,听;听Mittman and Kim, 鈥楲ocating鈥, pp. 21-2; Hamburger, 鈥楤ody vs. Book鈥; Paul Binski,听Gothic Wonder: Art Artifice and the Decorated Style 1290-1350听(New Haven: Yale University Press, 2014), pp. 180鈥181.
DOI: 10.33999/2019.08